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What college football and horse racing have in common: Greed wrecking a good thing

(CNN) — On their face, they would seem as far apart on the sporting spectrum as tiddlywinks and shot put.

On the one end sits college football, the billion-dollar industry that commands attention from August until January. On the other is horse racing, the niche sport that owns a five-week blip of the calendar.

And yet, besieged by the same afflictions of greed, self-interest and a comical inability to work together, horse racing is doing its damndest to similarly mess up its very good thing.

Wes Moore, the governor of Maryland, announced Wednesday that the Preakness would be moving from its traditional-third-Saturday-in-May date to the fourth Sunday of the month.

Taken alone, it seems like a good idea. For years, horsemen and horsewomen have argued that the traditional running of the Triple Crown’s second leg, a mere two weeks after the Kentucky Derby, no longer suited today’s equine athletes. Three of the last five Derby winners have bypassed the Baltimore-based race, putting the Triple Crown quest to rest before it even got started.

Except, much like college sports, no single decision happens in a vacuum. The Preakness switch comes two days after Churchill Downs, Incorporated and the New York Racing Association announced a partnership to form a six-race thoroughbred racing series, which includes the Triple Crown’s third leg, the Belmont Stakes.

The Belmont, per the announcement, is holding firm on its traditional run date on the first Saturday in June. Which means that rather than running within two weeks after the Derby to have a shot at the Triple Crown, horses now will need to run 13 days after the Preakness. Worse, in a sport that constantly preaches how it puts the safety of its animals first, horses will be asked to run the longest race (the Belmont at one-and-a-half miles) after the shortest period of recovery.

It is not a switch; it’s a bait-and-switch that still leaves the Triple Crown in peril.

“If you want to win the Triple Crown, we’ll see you in Baltimore,’’ Moore said in a Maryland-thumping news conference, conveniently bypassing the fact that if you want to win the Triple Crown, you also have to go to Louisville and Long Island.

Moving the Preakness isn’t a bad idea. Creating a series isn’t a bad idea. Doing both without the two sides working together? It is preposterous.

The Triple Crown is synonymous with horse racing, as familiar to casual fans as a mint julep or a big hat. Other than the Derby, Preakness and Belmont only one other race – the Breeders’ Cup – pulls in more than $100 million in bets each year.

Dating back to 1919, when Sir Barton won all three races, and through 2018, when Justify became its last winner, it is revered for its difficulty and rarity as much as its history.

In the course of my career, I have often been asked what the best event is I have covered. It’s tricky. I saw Christian Laettner hit the buzzer-beater against Kentucky and watched the US Olympic hockey team win gold in Milan. But I will say that never have I heard a roar like the one that followed American Pharoah from the final turn to well beyond the finish line in 2015 to break the 37-year Triple Crown hex. It was as cathartic as it was euphoric, a din that lasted well beyond the end of the race.

Yet somehow it became a line item in all of this transacting, the greater good lost in the infighting between the three groups (Churchill tried to buy the Preakness’ intellectual property in April, a clear part of Moore’s very loud rebuke that “we cannot control our own future if we don’t own it”) as they jockeyed for position and precious broadcast deals.

It is all straight from the college sports playbook, where backdoor meetings are all about self-preservation. Similarly operating without a commissioner to keep things on track and keep the greater good at the forefront, horse racing entities also solved only for themselves. Had they worked together NYRA, Churchill and the Maryland Jockey Club could have met the call to adjust the calendar in a way that kept their races intact and the Triple Crown viable.

Instead, Churchill (the SEC) keeps its tradition and lines its pockets with additional revenue through the Derby and the series; NYRA (the Big Ten) gets four series races on its tracks and a share of the revenue pot; and Maryland (the ACC) gets to cling to its own small corner of the market.

Lost in all of the self-interest is the only thing that horse racing has going for it.

A Triple Crown can still happen, of course. Some have even argued that this new calendar will work out just fine.

“I think it’s a great idea,’’ Bob Baffert told CNN Sports.

The trainer, and winner of the last two Triple Crowns, believes that the new order keeps the difficulty of winning the Triple Crown alive but, with the space between races, incentivizes the Derby winner to run in the Preakness more.

As for the ask of the Belmont, he contends that the “superhorses,’’ will try it and that winning two legs makes it harder to bypass the third, as opposed to a Derby winner who can easily skip out on the Preakness.

Maybe he’s right, though recent history would indicate otherwise. And really, it all could have been fixed with just a little teamwork.

Instead, horse racing officials decided to follow the college football route and think only of themselves.

The-CNN-Wire
™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.

GOP lawmakers keep trying to defang voters in their own states

(CNN) — The big headline out of Tuesday’s primaries was the slim victory of former public health official Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan’s Democratic Senate primary — proof that progressives are ascendant in the party, even in a key swing state.But two other results that barely registered in the national news chart another trend in US politics: the increasingly complicated relationship between Republican state legislatures and direct democracy.Voters in Kansas saw through a complicated ideaIn Kansas, voters rejected a proposal placed on the ballot by the state’s GOP-dominated legislature that would have taken the power to appoint state Supreme Court justices away from a merit board and the state’s governor, a Democrat.Instead, the amendment would have given voters power to elect state Supreme Court justices, who have been a thorn in the side of the GOP-dominated legislature. That might sound like voter empowerment, but the longer-term intent was to elect judges opposed to abortion rights so the court might eventually overturn the right to abortion in the state’s constitution, which was affirmed by voters in a 2022 ballot initiative.Bottom line: Anti-abortion rights activists hoped to use this amendment to overrule voters’ decision to uphold abortion rights. But voters understood this and rejected the move.Voters in Missouri protected their powerIn Missouri, voters rejected a measure placed on the ballot by the state’s Republican-dominated legislature that would’ve made it much harder to pass amendments placed on the ballot by citizens gathering signatures.Legislators’ goal was to create a two-tiered system: Constitutional amendments proposed by voters would have had to win in every congressional district in the state to pass, while amendments proposed by the state legislature would still need just a statewide majority.The important additional context is that Missouri’s GOP-dominated government has already drastically gerrymandered the state’s congressional districts to benefit Republicans, including by erasing a Democratic seat earlier this year.Functionally, the change would’ve given conservatives veto power over constitutional amendments proposed by Democrats or progressives, even if they were broadly popular.Missouri voters have routinely crossed their legislatureIt’s not just abortion rights that Missouri voters have endorsed in recent years, frustrating Republican legislators. They also expanded Medicaid and increased the state’s minimum wage.On taxes, Missouri voters on Tuesday rejected the legislature’s request to phase out the state’s income tax and, in theory, replace it with a sales tax, a priority of Republican legislatures elsewhere in the country.Take another look at abortion (but not the congressional maps)Missouri voters will not get the opportunity to weigh in on gerrymandering. The state’s top election official denied a citizen petition signed by hundreds of thousands of voters requesting a statewide vote on congressional districts enacted by the state’s GOP-dominated government. Supporters have promised to fight the decision in court.But voters will be asked to take another look at abortion rights. Missouri’s legislature is asking voters to repeal the citizen-initiated amendment they passed in 2024, but with a tweak, adding in the politically potent issue of banning transgender therapy for people under 18.Gerrymandering, the drawing of legislative maps for partisan gain, is frequently described as politicians picking voters instead of the other way around.Republicans won the redistricting war without input from votersIn fact, Republicans were able to get the upper hand in the unprecedented mid-decade gerrymandering war this year in part because they did not have to consult voters about their plans to erase Democratic districts.In California and Virginia, Democrats redrew maps, but only after consulting voters in statewide referendums, as their laws required. Voters in both states approved the concept of new maps, but only California’s will go into effect. In Virginia, state Supreme Court justices are appointed by the state legislature and a majority made up mostly of justices appointed in years when Republicans controlled the legislature threw the voter-blessed maps out, ruling they did not adhere to a strict process.There are stories like this all over the countryIn Florida, there’s already a supermajority requirement (60%) for citizen-initiated amendments to pass. That’s why, in 2024, solid majorities of voters supported restoring some abortion rights (57.2%) and legalizing cannabis (55.9%), but neither became law.Rather than face such questions again, the state’s GOP-dominated legislature and Gov. Ron DeSantis made it much more difficult and expensive for citizens to add initiatives to the ballot. The new rules, enacted earlier this year, make it a felony to gather more than 25 signatures in support of an initiative without first registering with the state as a petition circulator.When voters are given the opportunity, they tend to uphold abortion rightsIn the 17 states where voters have been asked to weigh in on abortion rights at the state level since Roe v. Wade was overturned, according to KFF, voters have supported abortion rights in all but three instances, in Nebraska and South Dakota, where majorities opposed abortion rights, and in Florida, where the supermajority requirement was not met.Five more abortion-related initiatives are currently expected to appear on statewide ballots in November.Citizen ballot initiatives vs. legislature ballot initiativesIn many of these instances, the divide is between ballot initiatives proposed by citizens and those proposed by the state’s legislature. Citizens have the ability to place initiatives on the ballot in about half of states, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. CNN’s Fredreka Schouten wrote last year about the surge of efforts to put new hurdles in front of these efforts, which are frequently backed by liberal groups who feel locked out of power in red states.South Dakota voters will vote in November on whether to impose a 60% threshold on citizen-initiated ballot initiatives. South Dakota voters will also take another crack at Medicaid. In 2022, South Dakotans voted to expand the program offering health insurance to low-income people, bringing it in line with most of the rest of the country under Obamacare. This year, the legislature is asking the voters to drop that expansion if federal funding drops.Voters don’t always follow the scriptIf the trend is for left-leaning groups to use the initiative process to counter conservative legislatures, there are exceptions. California voters in 2024 narrowly rejected a state law that would have created an $18 per hour minimum wage.An initiative that would have raised the minimum wage in Oklahoma was rejected by voters earlier this year. Supporters of the initiative were frustrated that the state’s leaders moved the question to the June primary rather than the November general election. Voters in most states, given the chance, have supported minimum wage hikes, including in Arkansas and Missouri. Oklahoma’s vote means it will retain the federal minimum wage of $7.25 an hour, the product of a 2007 law. Look for Democrats to try to raise that floor the next time they hold majorities in Congress.Voters, ultimately, hold the power. They could throw out the legislators they disagree with. But that power is muted by gerrymandered legislative maps that feed hyper-partisanship in US politics. It could all get worse if, as expected, the redistricting war restarts next year and politicians do even more to pick their voters instead of the other way around.CNN’s Ethan Cohen contributed to this report.The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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