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Ukraine loses a champion in Washington with death of Lindsey Graham who visited Kyiv hours before his death

(CNN) — Ukraine lost one of its most vocal supporters in Washington this weekend following the death of US Sen. Lindsey Graham, which came just hours after he returned from a trip to Kyiv.

Among the many tributes from the country Sunday, Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko said that “throughout Russia’s full-scale invasion, Senator Graham stood with Ukraine and in defense of democratic values.”

The Republican from South Carolina visited Ukraine 10 times – including his most recent trip last week – after the invasion in 2022 and co-sponsored tough sanctions legislation against Russia. But he was also acutely aware of US President Donald Trump’s early hostility to Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Zelensky.

Graham’s support for Ukraine stemmed from long experience on national security issues and a firm belief in an expansive global role for the US.

Like John McCain, another Republican senator with whom he often traveled, Graham was a firm supporter of the transatlantic alliance. He served in the US military in Germany for four years before the fall of the Berlin Wall.

In a 2011 interview, Graham said: “I’m a Ronald Reagan Republican. I would like to shape world events rather than watch the world fall apart. That means you have to be engaged.”

After Russia illegally annexed Crimea in 2014, Graham was an early proponent of sending defensive weapons to Ukraine, whose military was then short of almost everything.

In the days after the start of the full-scale invasion, he provoked outrage in Moscow by suggesting someone in Putin’s inner circle should kill him. Graham asked whether there was a Brutus in Russia, adding: “You would be doing your country – and the world – a great service.”

He later called Putin a “thug and a bully” who would “get away with as much as he can until somebody stops him.”

Perhaps because of this criticism, Russian politicians and state media outlets were quick to describe Graham as a “Russophobe” and a “warmonger” after his death.

Graham also supported legislation that would prevent the US from recognizing any Russian claim of sovereignty over any part of Ukraine and backed a proposal for US troops to train Ukrainian units on Ukrainian soil (which never came to fruition).

He also co-sponsored the Stand With Ukraine Act, providing expanded defense transfers and security cooperation.

“We’re sending a message to the world that the United States will stand with Ukraine — that their fight is our fight, and both their freedom and ours are at stake,” he said of the legislation.

However, the bill never became law.

Graham was conscious of Trump’s impact on the Republican Party. Graham said last year he wanted to be “realistic” about finding an end to the war by allowing Russia to retain some of the territory it seized.

He also backed Trump’s pressure on NATO allies to spend more. “Trump’s right — hell, they ought to pay more,” Graham said. “And you know, nobody else could have done that.”

But fundamentally, Graham saw NATO as a pillar of America’s security. He maintained that the alliance’s defensive posture makes aggressors “think twice before starting wars.”

“He was a powerful advocate for America who believed strongly in the NATO Alliance,” said NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte on Sunday.

Over the last 18 months Graham navigated the shifting sands of the Trump administration’s approach to Ukraine.

After the disastrous Trump-Zelensky White House meeting in February last year, Graham even suggested the Ukrainian president should resign. “I don’t know if we could ever do business with Zelensky again,” he said.

But he was soon back to lobbying on Ukraine’s behalf, urging Trump to provide Ukraine with Tomahawk missiles and designing a drastic sanctions package with the goal of crippling sanctions against any country importing Russian oil.

The senator was back in Kyiv days before his death, being warmly greeted by Zelensky, touring a Ukrainian drone plant and again talking up support for Ukraine.

Hours before he left, Graham announced that a bipartisan group of senators had reached an agreement with the White House to impose a new package of sanctions on Russia.

“We have the formula to end this war,” he said. “Help Ukraine be more lethal. Let those supporting Russia know it’s going to be a price to be paid if you keep doing it.”

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Netanyahu calculates upsetting Trump is his least-bad option

(CNN) — On tricky issues, Netanyahu’s preference is to kick the can down the road. If he must take a position, he likes to include a twist of ambiguity, some wiggle room, just in case things get hairy later. Not this time, though, on the subject of US President Donald Trump’s roadmap for progressing the Gaza ceasefire agreement.“I wish to be precise: Israel does not accept the 15-point document,” Netanyahu said during opening remarks at Sunday’s weekly Israeli Cabinet meeting.In fact, he went on to say it twice.“I have heard people saying: ‘You didn’t say it.’ So here I am saying it again: Israel does not accept the 15-point document.”Clunk.Potentially a risky move because it could draw the ire of Trump.The US president – more desperate than ever for a win, as his Iran folly looks increasingly like handing him an L – reinvested in Gaza 10 days ago, declaring that his Board of Peace had reached a “historic agreement” with Hamas for its complete disarmament. The board’s top envoy, Nickolay Mladenov, went on to explain carefully on X that decommissioning would need to take place “in lockstep” with Israeli troop withdrawal, suggesting a phased process by which the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) would pull back in stages from positions inside Gaza, as Hamas turned in its arms.Any lingering hope that Netanyahu could be convinced to take part in such an endeavor now looks for the birds.“The IDF will not carry out any withdrawal until Hamas is disarmed. And when I say the disarming of Hamas, it means heavy weaponry, lighter weaponry, all weaponry. And we are talking about genuine disarmament, not fictitious disarmament,” the Israeli leader said Sunday.As of Sunday afternoon, Trump was still keeping his own counsel, beyond a Truth Social post quoting former US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton saying she supported his Gaza plan. Mladenov meanwhile went on Israel’s Channel 12 Sunday evening, appearing to suggest that some sort of phased process might still be the plan, but also seeming to make clear Hamas would need to make the first move.“Nobody is required to do anything, least of all Israel, before we actually have verified steps on the ground. If there is verified decommissioning of weapons, that they are taken away from the factions and stored and ultimately rendered unusable, Israel then withdraws from Gaza,” Mladenov said.Speaking to votersOf course, there are skeptics everywhere in this arena, not least concerning the two main protagonists. Both Israel and Hamas have a shared interest in making sure the other side gets the blame for any failure.So, Hamas’s response to Netanyahu’s remarks was quite sober and measured. It said it remained committed to the roadmap, adding that it expected the Board of Peace to “exert pressure” on Netanyahu to abide by it.In truth, there are plenty who doubt Hamas ever intends to give up all its weapons, which serve as the plainest manifestation of its leadership position in the Palestinian resistance and act as a guarantee of its own survival in the face of any internal instability inside Gaza. The group has made plenty of enemies during its almost 20 years in charge of the enclave.But regardless of any lack of confidence in Hamas’ true intentions, in Mladenov’s faith in the ability to verify weapons decommissioning, or indeed Netanyahu’s own willingness to order any troop withdrawals, why poke Trump so publicly in the eye? Surely, Netanyahu, the master strategist, as his many acolytes regard him, could have done it with a bit more finesse?The reason – unsurprisingly perhaps – is Israel’s general election. It is less than 12 weeks away, and the polls suggest he remains in trouble. It was time – unequivocally – to speak to the voters.All Israeli prime ministers must build a governing coalition made up of several parties. Netanyahu, as others have remarked, likes to build his next coalition ahead of the election rather than after it.When the counting is over, he will need his far-right allies to join him if he has any chance of remaining in charge, so he was stung by their very public criticism of the roadmap, as well as calls to reverse a previous Israeli Cabinet decision to approve the deployment of an International Stabilization Force for Gaza, which was meant to oversee security in a small pilot project in the territory. Netanyahu had quietly approved reconstruction work could begin in the pilot area, Army radio reported Sunday, which just looked like further weakness.And yet, it would be a mistake to see this only as pandering to the far-right. The vast majority of Israeli voters, while still favorable toward Trump, believe the US president is profoundly mistaken if he believes Israel should have its freedom to do what it likes in Gaza curtailed in any way.None of Netanyahu’s main challengers, for instance, is likely to pick up Mladenov’s attempt to appeal to Israel’s self-interest during his Sunday TV interview, when he said that only full implementation of the Board of Peace’s plan could guarantee there would never be another mass attack like the one in 2023 on Israeli communities living next to Gaza.“If we end up with arguments about this and that, and delaying tactics, I can assure you that the only alternative then is another process of rearming of Hamas and increasing the risk of another October 7th,” the senior envoy said.Truly, it would be a surprise if Gadi Eisenkott, Naftali Bennett, or many other would-be Israeli prime ministers believed there were many votes on that platform.A US Board of Peace official meanwhile sought to play up Israel’s military restraint in recent days in Gaza, as well as a change in targeting policy.“We are seeing co-operation behind the scenes,” the official offered.Cold comfort for Gaza’s two million residents, who remain shut out of the conversation and all but powerless to determine their fate.Eugenia Yosef and Jennifer Hansler contributed to this report.The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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