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What Trump’s Supreme Court win means for mail ballots

(CNN) — The Supreme Court on Monday permitted President Donald Trump to move forward with a controversial executive order targeting mail ballots, but the decision will almost certainly not be the final word in whether the administration can actually implement its far-reaching plan.

At the center of the dispute is an executive order Trump signed in March that gives the US Postal Service an unprecedented role in deciding whether to send mail ballots — a move that has followed years of the president making baseless claims about illegal voting by mail.

But the Supreme Court’s order, which came over the dissent of three liberal justices, doesn’t resolve the legality of Trump’s proposal. The president’s plan for the USPS remains blocked on a nationwide basis. And further court action is almost certain to put Trump’s executive order before the justices again, potentially within a few days. Overnight, the Trump administration asked a lower court to clear another hurdle still blocking implementation of the president’s USPS directives.

For now, no voters who expect to cast their ballots by mail in the midterm elections need to change their plans. Still, the high court’s decision handed the president a procedural win on an issue that has been central to his messaging for years. And it is likely to inject uncertainty for both voters and state election officials who are scrambling to prepare for this year’s high profile midterm elections.

What the Supreme Court ruled on mail ballots

The court’s decision Monday didn’t deal with the legality of Trump’s executive order but rather with the timing of a lawsuit filed by 23 Democratic states that challenged it. The court’s conservatives concluded that the lawsuit had been filed too soon because the Trump administration hadn’t yet taken any steps to actually implement its plans.

“The executive order makes no demand of the states,” the high court wrote in an unsigned decision that did not disclose the vote count. To pause the order, the court wrote, lower courts had to “speculate” about the potential harm that would be inflicted on the states that sued.

The decision on Monday, the court said, doesn’t mean the president will ultimately be able to implement the provision of the executive order that dealt with USPS.

“On that score,” the court wrote, “time will tell.”

Trump did score a cleaner win on another section of his executive order. The Department of Homeland Security will be allowed to move forward with a plan to create lists of voters for each state that it has deemed are US citizens and therefore eligible to vote. But Trump’s plan doesn’t require individual states to do anything with those lists.

What happens next

Trump’s emergency appeal at the Supreme Court had been pending for nearly a month, an unusually long time. In that span, the on-the-ground dispute over mail ballots has moved far beyond the case the high court decided on Monday.

One of the Justice Department’s main arguments for why the states filed their challenge prematurely was that the US Postal Service had not yet formally adopted a required regulation spelling out how it would implement the president’s plan. While the case was pending at the court, the USPS issued that regulation — offering more clarity about how it intended to carry out the executive order.

Meanwhile, the same federal district court in Massachusetts that had shut down Trump’s USPS plan in the challenge filed by the Democratic states issued another ruling in a separate case from voting rights groups like the American Civil Liberties Union. In that ruling, Judge Indira Talwani, nominated to the bench by President Barack Obama, issued a ruling that blocked the USPS directives nationwide.

That separate ruling is still in effect. And that is why, despite the Supreme Court decision on Monday, the president’s USPS order remains blocked. In a court filing late Monday, the Justice Department told Talwani it would appeal her order keeping the USPS mandates on hold unless she wiped it away herself by late Tuesday afternoon. The ACLU and the other voter advocacy groups suing the administration over the order said they would respond Tuesday.

What the Supreme Court decision means for voters

Because of the ongoing legal maneuvering, it’s not yet clear that the Supreme Court’s decision on Monday will mean anything for this year’s midterm elections. Under the Constitution, states and Congress determine voting procedures, not the White House or federal agencies — a point that will almost certainly be raised at a later stage of the case.

That said, for both Trump and the groups challenging him, time is of the essence.

If federal courts attempt to shut down Trump’s executive order closer to November, they are likely to run headlong into a wonky judicial doctrine known as the “Purcell principle.” Rooted in a 2006 Supreme Court decision, the principle warns federal courts at all levels against making last-minute changes to voting rules. If the litigation drags out, the Justice Department is almost certain to argue that it’s too late for courts to intervene to stop the administration before this year’s midterm.

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, writing in dissent on Monday, warned that the administration might be able to “game the system.”

“The court has held for a while now that even valid election-related legal claims can come too late,” Jackson, the court’s junior liberal, wrote on Monday. “Today’s revelation is that such claims can also come too early — never mind that an election is looming and related harms are presently occurring.”

The November 3 election is less than 80 days away.

What Trump’s order would do

The president’s March executive order set two major changes in motion.

First, it directed DHS to build state-by-state citizenship lists using federal databases, including Social Security data and immigration records. The goal: Identify who may be eligible to vote in federal elections and give states data to compare with their voter rolls. For now, the Supreme Court’s decision allows that effort to move forward.

Second, it ordered the Postal Service to change how it manages mail-ballot delivery.

Under a final rule published by USPS last week, state and local election officials would have to upload the names and addresses of every mail-ballot recipient to a Postal Service portal before the ballots are sent to voters. They would also have to adopt standardized envelopes and unique, machine-readable barcodes.

Ballots not added to the portal would be rejected and returned to election officials. States that refuse to comply would lose USPS ballot-delivery services for federal general elections.

That data would become a kind of ballot “manifest” used to flag anomalies — and would be shared with federal law enforcement and election officials for audits and investigations. DHS and the Justice Department could then use it to investigate suspected unlawful voting, an effort this administration has backed with the weight of the federal government for the past 18 months.

But there’s a crucial caveat: USPS says it won’t implement the rule before the midterms — or at all — without federal court approval. The White House has made clear it wants the system in place for the November elections.

More than 20 states, Democratic Party leaders and nonpartisan voting-rights groups have sued to stop the administration, arguing that the Constitution does not give Trump the unilateral power to change how states carry out their mail voting programs.

Election officials, including some Republicans, warn the policy could vastly expand the roles of USPS and DHS in running elections, create major logistical problems and fuel voter confusion. They fear the resulting turmoil could give Trump and his allies fresh grounds to challenge the results.

“USPS is no longer merely a carrier of ballots; it is instead transformed into a gatekeeper of voter eligibility,” lawyers challenging the order wrote in one case.

USPS downplayed those concerns after receiving more than 200,000 public comments, including warnings about disenfranchisement, errors and confusion.

“Despite any logistical or financial difficulties states may face complying with the rule, including some claims that immediate implementation would prove impossible, the visibility and law-enforcement benefits of the rule, including for this election cycle, are such that there is no compelling reason for any delay,” the agency wrote in its final rule.

This article has been updated with additional developments.

The-CNN-Wire
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Trump will need China for his new economic war against Iran. Good luck getting Xi on side

Beijing (CNN) — When US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent unveiled “Operation Economic Outcast,” threatening damaging new sanctions on countries that refuse to stop doing business with Iran, he didn’t name the one country that could decide its success or failure: China.The world’s second largest economy has long been a critical economic lifeline for Tehran, buying up the vast majority of its oil exports – worth an estimated tens of billions in US dollars last year – in addition to other trade.Bringing it on board with the White House’s latest effort to subdue an Iranian leadership stubbornly defiant after almost six months of war, however, is an extremely tall order.Beijing flatly rejects what it calls “unilateral” US sanctions and has long defended its right to regular trade with partners like Iran and Russia. It also surmises that Washington would be wary of triggering a broader economic confrontation that would hurt both countries, right ahead of the US midterms.On Tuesday, following Bessent’s presser, China’s Foreign Ministry vowed to “take all necessary measures” to safeguard its “own legitimate rights and interests” in the face of US sanctions threats.“Economic warfare and maximum pressure will not help resolve the issue; they will only further intensify tensions and conflicts, create spillover risks, disrupt the global economic and financial order,” ministry spokesperson Lin Jian said.Bessent’s threat also comes ahead of a highly anticipated visit by Chinese leader Xi Jinping to the US next month, where the two sides could make progress on extending a critical trade truce set to expire later this fall.Trump earlier said that he did not ask Xi “for any favors” on Iran during a May meeting between the two – a statement, which, if correct, will likely smell to Beijing of American desperation to end the conflict.What’s left now is a careful calculus for both countries in how they navigate what Bessent has said will be a period of “quiet diplomacy” – or privately issuing ultimatums to Iran’s economic partners, which the Treasury chief did not specifically name during his press conference.Chinese analysts suggest limited space for Washington’s demands: “China is unlikely to accept a situation in which Washington determines what Chinese companies can legally trade with third countries,” said Zhao Long, director of the Institute for International Strategic and Security Studies at the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies.“That would establish a precedent that US secondary sanctions can effectively determine China’s commercial relations with third countries,” he said.What Washington could doChina imports Iranian oil using a shadowy system that’s by design insulated from the US dollar system – and sanctions.Private, so-called teapot refineries, purchase and process US-sanctioned Iranian crude, relying on a network of ports, financial institutions and tankers that are often similarly firewalled from international exposure. China hasn’t recorded these purchases officially in years, since after the US re-imposed sanctions on Iran when the first Trump administration backed out of the Obama-era Iranian nuclear deal.But pressure points do exist, analysts say.“When you look at the upstream ownership of these entities, you’ll find many are directly or indirectly held by major Chinese state-owned entities that are heavily integrated into the US dollar system,” said Max Meizlish, a senior research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies think tank in Washington.“By sanctioning their subsidiaries, the US can apply pressure on the parents to divest at risk of being deemed as providing direct or indirect support to sanctioned entities,” he said.Bessent earlier this year said Washington has sent warnings to two unnamed Chinese banks about their role in Iran-linked transactions. When asked on Monday during his press conference what measures the US would take against non-compliant Chinese banks and shipping firms, he said “no one is above” facing US sanctions.Despite the tough talk, Beijing has seen the US threaten – and then back off – sweeping sanctions before. And it also knows Washington is acutely aware of China’s significant economic leverage over the US, especially in the form of its grip on the global supply of strategically critical rare earths.“If Washington crossed that threshold (of sanctioning major Chinese banks), Beijing would almost certainly respond, and the political atmosphere for a summit (between Trump and Xi) would deteriorate sharply,” said Sun Chenghao, a senior fellow at Tsinghua University’s Center for International Security and Strategy in Beijing.Such a move might not automatically cancel their meeting, but it would “shift the summit from stabilization toward damage control,” he said.Summit considerationsBoth sides will be weighing up the impact of escalation to that summit, expected to be the first state visit by Xi to the US in 11 years.While Beijing will not want to be seen to be cooperating with a sanctions regime it opposes, there are careful maneuvers it could take – such as quietly reducing oil purchases or elevating its political messaging to Tehran and efforts to encourage restraint.Chinese purchases of Iranian oil have already declined sharply compared to last year as the US blockade has constrained Iranian crude exports.Chinese analysts have also in recent weeks suggested there are overlaps between the interests of Washington and Beijing, especially in terms of seeing trade flows restored in the Strait of Hormuz, which has been choked by the conflict, and restoring broader regional stability, also conductive to trade.And Beijing has in recent days re-upped its messaging urging restraint and normal operations around the Strait.In a joint statement following a meeting with Jordanian King Abdullah II in Beijing on Monday, Xi called for the restoration of “normal passage” through the Strait and a “comprehensive solution” to the conflict.Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Miao Deyu said last week while hosting Iranian officials in Beijing that China was “actively committed to promoting peace talks.”Even still, Beijing has shown itself wary of playing a direct mediator role in the conflict, preferring a position where it protects its own economic interests – and plays up its image as a stable power that supports regional peace, in contrast to Washington’s vacillations.Any cooperation with the US in restoring regional peace “should not be reduced to ‘doing Trump a favor,’” said Zhao in Shanghai.“Beijing is willing to contribute to ending the crisis, but it is not willing to become an instrument of Washington’s maximum-pressure strategy.”The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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