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Por qué los aranceles de Trump a Canadá podrían costar empleos en Estados Unidos

La amenaza del presidente Donald Trump de imponer aranceles del 50 % a los automóviles sobre todas las importaciones procedentes de Canadá es solo el golpe más reciente a una industria que ha soportado cambios en las reglas comerciales desde que el actual mandatario regresó al poder.

Trump anunció los planes arancelarios para los automóviles a primera hora de este lunes, justo cuando aumentaban las tensiones comerciales entre ambos vecinos. El sábado, Estados Unidos impuso aranceles del 50% a un grupo mucho más limitado de exportaciones canadienses después de que fracasaran las iniciativas por alcanzar un acuerdo.

Pero los elevados aranceles a los automóviles, si se aplican, podrían alterar prácticas empresariales consolidadas y tener consecuencias de gran alcance en toda la industria automotriz, según los expertos.

“Los suéteres, la miel y los palos de hockey no constituyen una guerra comercial. Lo que el presidente acaba de amenazar con hacer esta mañana sí es una guerra comercial”, afirmó Patrick Anderson, director ejecutivo de Anderson Economic Group, una consultora con sede en Michigan. “Sería un duro golpe para la industria automotriz. Veríamos el cierre de plantas a ambos lados de la frontera”.

Canadá sí tiene un gran superávit comercial con Estados Unidos. Pero en lo que respecta a la industria automotriz, ocurre lo contrario: Estados Unidos tiene un superávit comercial con Canadá de casi US$ 1.000 millones al mes.

Estados Unidos importó vehículos y autopartes canadienses por valor de US 24.500 millones en los primeros seis meses de 2026, según los datos comerciales del Departamento de Comercio, frente a los US$ 30.400 millones que importó Canadá.

Desde que el Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte se introdujo por primera vez en la década de 1990, y posteriormente el Tratado entre México, Estados Unidos y Canadá durante el primer mandato de Trump, la industria automotriz ha podido operar como si América del Norte fuera un mercado único. Las empresas trasladan piezas y vehículos libremente a través de las fronteras, a menudo varias veces antes de que el automóvil sea ensamblado y enviado a las salas de exposición de los concesionarios.

Incluso con los aranceles a los automóviles de 2025, ese proceso continuó. Esto se debe a que las exenciones redujeron considerablemente el costo de los aranceles establecidos el año pasado.

Los fabricantes de automóviles podían deducir el valor de las piezas estadounidenses incorporadas a los vehículos y piezas fabricados en Canadá, e incluso el valor de las piezas fabricadas en Canadá si cumplían con los términos del T-MEC, explicó Anderson. Por lo tanto, el costo del arancel del 25 % sobre los automóviles y las piezas canadienses establecido en 2025 se redujo significativamente, señaló.

Interrumpir el flujo a través de la frontera entre Estados Unidos y Canadá costará empleos estadounidenses, tanto en la industria de autopartes como en las plantas de ensamblaje, según los expertos.

Los automóviles fabricados en plantas canadienses dependen en gran medida de piezas de proveedores estadounidenses, que emplean a más de medio millón de estadounidenses.

“El impacto de unos aranceles inviables se sentiría mucho más allá de las plantas de ensamblaje canadienses”, afirmó Erin Keating, analista ejecutiva de Cox Automotive.

Y los canadienses compraron alrededor de 663.000 automóviles fabricados en plantas de ensamblaje estadounidenses el año pasado, según la firma de investigación Mobility Global. Los compradores canadienses también gastaron más del triple que los compradores estadounidenses en vehículos más grandes y costosos: camiones pesados, autobuses y vehículos para fines especiales.

En una conferencia de prensa celebrada este lunes, el primer ministro canadiense, Mark Carney, planteó la posibilidad de pérdidas de empleos en Estados Unidos debido a los aranceles de Trump sobre los automóviles.

“¿Qué mensaje envía eso a los trabajadores de Michigan, Ohio, Kentucky y Alabama, que dependen de la demanda canadiense?”, preguntó. “Somos su mayor cliente de automóviles”.

Antes de que las conversaciones comerciales entre Estados Unidos y Canadá fracasaran la semana pasada, los funcionarios habían debatido reducir la tasa al 15 %. Esa es la tasa que han afrontado los automóviles procedentes de la Unión Europea, Corea del Sur y Japón desde que alcanzaron acuerdos comerciales con Estados Unidos el año pasado. Pero esos automóviles asiáticos y europeos tienen muy poco contenido estadounidense.

La mayoría de los principales fabricantes de automóviles contactados por CNN se negaron a comentar sobre los aranceles o no respondieron a una solicitud de comentarios.

Unifor, el sindicato que representa a los trabajadores canadienses de la industria automotriz, criticó duramente los aranceles previstos y los calificó de “táctica de intimidación”.

“El Gobierno de EE.UU. no reconoce que nuestra industria automotriz, altamente integrada, implica que la inestabilidad persistente perjudica a los trabajadores de ambos lados de la frontera y hace que sea cada vez más difícil fabricar automóviles en América del Norte”, afirmó el sindicato canadiense. “Tenemos que resolver esto juntos”.

The-CNN-Wire
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Trump will need China for his new economic war against Iran. Good luck getting Xi on side

Beijing (CNN) — When US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent unveiled “Operation Economic Outcast,” threatening damaging new sanctions on countries that refuse to stop doing business with Iran, he didn’t name the one country that could decide its success or failure: China.The world’s second largest economy has long been a critical economic lifeline for Tehran, buying up the vast majority of its oil exports – worth an estimated tens of billions in US dollars last year – in addition to other trade.Bringing it on board with the White House’s latest effort to subdue an Iranian leadership stubbornly defiant after almost six months of war, however, is an extremely tall order.Beijing flatly rejects what it calls “unilateral” US sanctions and has long defended its right to regular trade with partners like Iran and Russia. It also surmises that Washington would be wary of triggering a broader economic confrontation that would hurt both countries, right ahead of the US midterms.On Tuesday, following Bessent’s presser, China’s Foreign Ministry vowed to “take all necessary measures” to safeguard its “own legitimate rights and interests” in the face of US sanctions threats.“Economic warfare and maximum pressure will not help resolve the issue; they will only further intensify tensions and conflicts, create spillover risks, disrupt the global economic and financial order,” ministry spokesperson Lin Jian said.Bessent’s threat also comes ahead of a highly anticipated visit by Chinese leader Xi Jinping to the US next month, where the two sides could make progress on extending a critical trade truce set to expire later this fall.Trump earlier said that he did not ask Xi “for any favors” on Iran during a May meeting between the two – a statement, which, if correct, will likely smell to Beijing of American desperation to end the conflict.What’s left now is a careful calculus for both countries in how they navigate what Bessent has said will be a period of “quiet diplomacy” – or privately issuing ultimatums to Iran’s economic partners, which the Treasury chief did not specifically name during his press conference.Chinese analysts suggest limited space for Washington’s demands: “China is unlikely to accept a situation in which Washington determines what Chinese companies can legally trade with third countries,” said Zhao Long, director of the Institute for International Strategic and Security Studies at the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies.“That would establish a precedent that US secondary sanctions can effectively determine China’s commercial relations with third countries,” he said.What Washington could doChina imports Iranian oil using a shadowy system that’s by design insulated from the US dollar system – and sanctions.Private, so-called teapot refineries, purchase and process US-sanctioned Iranian crude, relying on a network of ports, financial institutions and tankers that are often similarly firewalled from international exposure. China hasn’t recorded these purchases officially in years, since after the US re-imposed sanctions on Iran when the first Trump administration backed out of the Obama-era Iranian nuclear deal.But pressure points do exist, analysts say.“When you look at the upstream ownership of these entities, you’ll find many are directly or indirectly held by major Chinese state-owned entities that are heavily integrated into the US dollar system,” said Max Meizlish, a senior research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies think tank in Washington.“By sanctioning their subsidiaries, the US can apply pressure on the parents to divest at risk of being deemed as providing direct or indirect support to sanctioned entities,” he said.Bessent earlier this year said Washington has sent warnings to two unnamed Chinese banks about their role in Iran-linked transactions. When asked on Monday during his press conference what measures the US would take against non-compliant Chinese banks and shipping firms, he said “no one is above” facing US sanctions.Despite the tough talk, Beijing has seen the US threaten – and then back off – sweeping sanctions before. And it also knows Washington is acutely aware of China’s significant economic leverage over the US, especially in the form of its grip on the global supply of strategically critical rare earths.“If Washington crossed that threshold (of sanctioning major Chinese banks), Beijing would almost certainly respond, and the political atmosphere for a summit (between Trump and Xi) would deteriorate sharply,” said Sun Chenghao, a senior fellow at Tsinghua University’s Center for International Security and Strategy in Beijing.Such a move might not automatically cancel their meeting, but it would “shift the summit from stabilization toward damage control,” he said.Summit considerationsBoth sides will be weighing up the impact of escalation to that summit, expected to be the first state visit by Xi to the US in 11 years.While Beijing will not want to be seen to be cooperating with a sanctions regime it opposes, there are careful maneuvers it could take – such as quietly reducing oil purchases or elevating its political messaging to Tehran and efforts to encourage restraint.Chinese purchases of Iranian oil have already declined sharply compared to last year as the US blockade has constrained Iranian crude exports.Chinese analysts have also in recent weeks suggested there are overlaps between the interests of Washington and Beijing, especially in terms of seeing trade flows restored in the Strait of Hormuz, which has been choked by the conflict, and restoring broader regional stability, also conductive to trade.And Beijing has in recent days re-upped its messaging urging restraint and normal operations around the Strait.In a joint statement following a meeting with Jordanian King Abdullah II in Beijing on Monday, Xi called for the restoration of “normal passage” through the Strait and a “comprehensive solution” to the conflict.Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Miao Deyu said last week while hosting Iranian officials in Beijing that China was “actively committed to promoting peace talks.”Even still, Beijing has shown itself wary of playing a direct mediator role in the conflict, preferring a position where it protects its own economic interests – and plays up its image as a stable power that supports regional peace, in contrast to Washington’s vacillations.Any cooperation with the US in restoring regional peace “should not be reduced to ‘doing Trump a favor,’” said Zhao in Shanghai.“Beijing is willing to contribute to ending the crisis, but it is not willing to become an instrument of Washington’s maximum-pressure strategy.”The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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