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One year after shooting, CDC workers say they still feel like targets

(CNN) — “Kuh, kuh, kuh.” It was a Friday, and staffers at the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Atlanta headquarters were getting ready to pack up and head home for the weekend. They thought the steady pneumatic sounds they heard outside their windows were coming from some kind of road work.

“Why are they doing construction on a Friday afternoon, at nearly closing time?” wondered Dr. Daniel Jernigan, who was then director of the CDC’s National Center for Emerging and Zoonotic Infectious Diseases. His office was on the fifth floor of building 16, the closest to the street.

Another staffer, a doctor, heard the repetitive noise but tried to tune it out to focus on one last task before she met family waiting for her at a nearby restaurant. Finally, a colleague stood up and said loudly, “I think we should be concerned.”

They walked to a window in building 24, which had a view of the sidewalks below.

“Everyone who was walking around campus just immediately flung themselves on the ground,” said the doctor, who asked not to be named out of fear of repercussions. “So that’s how we knew.”

From a stairwell outside a CVS pharmacy across the street, a 30-year-old man who believed that the Covid-19 vaccines were harmful and blamed the CDC, sprayed the agency’s main campus with more than 500 rounds of ammunition from five guns, according to the Georgia Bureau of Investigation.

DeKalb County Police Officer David Rose, who was one of the first law enforcement officers to respond, was killed. The gunman later killed himself, the GBI said.

One year later, as the CDC prepares to welcome its new director – Dr. Erica Schwartz was confirmed by the US Senate this week – and for a rare visit from US Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., interviews with seven current and former staff who were on campus during the shooting or who dealt with its aftermath reveal that they continue to deal with deep trauma from that day.

Many don’t feel safe coming to work and say they still feel targeted and undermined by Kennedy and other federal officials who they say should have their backs.

President Trump, they note, has never made a statement or issued condolences on the shooting.

“I don’t think we’re any safer than we were a year ago,” said the doctor, who still works at the agency.

One former staffer, who worked in the National Center for Immunization and Respiratory Diseases, said he was trapped outside when the shooting started. The staffer, who asked not to be named because he no longer feels safe after the attack, was trying to get to his car to drive home.

“I’m someone who worked a lot in high-threat situations overseas, trained for shootings and other attacks, and you know, I never imagined it would be happening on our campus in the United States,” he said

The sounds of the gunshots were so loud and so constant, he said, he thought there were multiple shooters. He believed he could die.

He worked at the agency for more than 15 years and left because of the trauma he’s still dealing with as a result of the shooting.

“This was a terrorist attack against a US federal facility, and that needs to be recognized,” he added.

Trauma after months of uncertainty

The shooting came after months of turmoil and loss at the CDC, which has suffered deep staff cuts under the Trump administration. Data from the Office of Personnel Management shows that the agency lost more than 3,300 staff, roughly one-quarter of its total workforce, over the past fiscal year.

Many of the agency’s seasoned leaders have resigned, retired or been fired, and top positions that would normally have been occupied with nonpartisan civil servants and scientists have since been filled by political appointees loyal to Kennedy’s views on vaccines and medical freedom.

Kennedy has also sought to personally reform the agency’s vaccine policy, firing all 17 of its vaccine advisers and replacing them with his own picks, many of whom have questioned the benefit of vaccines while exaggerating their harms. He directed changes to a CDC website dedicated to vaccines and autism to say that the claim that vaccines do not cause autism isn’t an “evidence-based claim because studies have not ruled out the possibility that infant vaccines cause autism.” Language on that page was later tweaked by HHS to ensure US Senate support for Schwartz’s confirmation.

In many ways, staffers say, the shooting was a manifestation of an attack the agency was already feeling.

More than 180 bullets pierced, cracked or shattered windows in six buildings on campus. In one case, an employee was summoned out of her office just before a bullet struck the window in front of her desk.

Hundreds of employees were held in lockdown for hours, relying on texts from friends or news reports for updates. The overhead PA system didn’t work in several buildings on campus, leaving many without a way to know what was going on, and a text system that was supposed to deliver alerts didn’t work on many people’s phones.

Some workers were trapped in labs in protective gear without cell phones or any other way to get information.

One staffer who had pulled up to a daycare on campus to pick up her young child was pinned in her car as the shooting started. She pressed her body into the floorboards while bullets flew outside.

Another barricaded herself into an interior office with two other people, pulling a heavy filing cabinet in front of the door. They got updates from a friend in California who had tuned in to local police scanners.

In a tour of the campus in the days after the August 8, 2025, shooting, the scene inside the buildings was jarring, according to a former CDC official who asked not to be named to protect her current employer. “Tons of glass everywhere. It was all over people’s desks, all over the floor, all inside people’s plants,” she said, and it was “a miracle” that more people weren’t hurt.

SWAT officers and security personnel who had gone from room to room clearing the buildings after the incident had been forced to break down doors to gain entry.

“I got nauseous seeing it all,” said Dr. Deb Houry, then the agency’s chief medical officer and deputy director for program and science.

Many in leadership positions have been allowed to work from home, people interviewed for this story said, but lower-level staff have been ordered to return to buildings that still bear the scars of the shooting.

An email that was sent to staff sent this week and shared with CNN said that window, façade and door repairs were expected to be complete by the end of September.

Another CDC official said she’s still in counseling for post-traumatic stress disorder and knows others who are in therapy, too.

“Loud noises are still very triggering,” said the official, who asked not to be named for fear of jeopardizing her job.

“We’re all doing what we do because we’re passionate about it, and it’s like the opposite of causing harm, and yet we were targeted,” the official said. “And I think, for me, it was just really amplified by the complete lack of acknowledgement from the administration.”

The day after the shooting, Kennedy issued condolences on social media to Rose’s family and acknowledged the pain of CDC employees. “We know how shaken our public health colleagues feel today,” he said. “No one should face violence while working to protect the health of others.”

He also sent an internal email to staff and made his first visit to the agency three days later, while staff were still working from home, to survey the damage.

Still, his words rang hollow to many who said they feel that the secretary bears some responsibility for putting the agency’s workers in harm’s way in the first place.

Kennedy has a history of disparaging the CDC and its staff. When he was running for president in 2024, he pledged to clean up “the cesspool of corruption at CDC” and said he would “force public health agencies to come clean about Covid-19 vaccines.” In congressional testimony last year, he repeated that he believed the CDC was the most corrupt agency in HHS.

Emily Hilliard, senior press secretary at the US Department of Health and Human Services, disputed the claim that Kennedy hasn’t done enough to publicly support the CDC.

“Secretary Kennedy unequivocally condemns last year’s horrific attack and remains fully committed to the safety and well-being of every CDC employee. Any claim that the Administration does not take this tragedy or its lasting impact on the CDC workforce seriously is simply false,” Hilliard said in a statement this week.

‘Too little, too late’

In the days after the shooting, a handwritten note that said “F**k RFK” was posted in one of the buildings.

Staff were traumatized and angry, Houry said. “We needed to hear across the board that violent rhetoric and attacks were unwarranted,” she said, and they didn’t get those statements from other federal officials.

“He may as well have just pulled out a gun and kept shooting,” said Dr. Demetre Daskalakis, who resigned last year as director of the CDC’s National Center for Immunization and Respiratory Diseases.

Many of Daskalakis’ staff felt especially unsafe after the shooting because they worked on issues related to vaccines. Whether the gunman intended it or not, many of the bullets broke windows in the building where they worked.

Kennedy is coming to the CDC on Friday to host a ceremony to honor Rose, and plans to take questions from staff in a fireside chat with US National Institutes of Health Director Dr. Jay Bhattacharya, according to an email sent to staff and shared with CNN. But some feel that it can’t repair the damage that has already been done.

“That’s called too little, too late,” Daskalakis said.

“This is going to not be a good anniversary. I think that there’s going to be a lot of happiness that part of CDC will, like always, memorialize the brave police officer who gave his life. But news flash, no one wants RFK there,” he added.

A group of former employees called Fired but Fighting has called on people to wear black on Friday to protest the visit and show support for public health.

One staffer who is still at the CDC said much of her anger is tied up in knowing that Kennedy’s feelings about vaccines are similar to the shooter’s.

“The fact that Kennedy didn’t immediately come out and say ‘violence against anyone, including federal employees, is completely inappropriate, no matter how you feel about science, whether it aligns with what I think or not,’ was just kind of the final nail in the coffin,” the staffer said.

The-CNN-Wire
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Cómo los misiles balísticos rusos sacan provecho a las brechas en las defensas aéreas de Ucrania

La mayor amenaza para las ciudades ucranianas puede golpear con poca o ninguna advertencia.En los últimos meses, Ucrania ha puesto a Rusia a la defensiva con ataques que han afectado la capacidad de refinación de petróleo rusa, provocado largas filas en las estaciones de combustible e incendiado centros logísticos comerciales. Pero Rusia ha explotado una vulnerabilidad clave de Ucrania: la escasez de interceptores de misiles balísticos, para lanzar ataques aterradores y de alta velocidad con misiles contra ciudades ucranianas, combinados con otros ataques de largo alcance que han cobrado cientos de vidas civiles.En una sola noche esta semana, una andanada de más de dos decenas de misiles balísticos y antibuque impactó en la región de la capital ucraniana. Todos los misiles lograron eludir las defensas ucranianas, matando al menos a 17 personas y dejando decenas de heridos.Los masivos ataques aéreos rusos contra Ucrania son complejos: un ataque concentrado en las regiones de Kyiv y Lviv en la noche del 30 de junio vio a Rusia lanzar cuatro misiles antibuque, nueve misiles balísticos, 61 misiles de crucero y cerca de 300 drones de ataque contra objetivos en todo el país, según la Fuerza Aérea de Ucrania.Sin embargo, los misiles balísticos rusos parecen ser la amenaza que más preocupa al liderazgo ucraniano. Las andanadas de misiles balísticos de Rusia contra Ucrania se producen mientras Kyiv busca desesperadamente reponer su suministro de interceptores de misiles antiaéreos Patriot de fabricación estadounidense, una de las pocas armas capaces de derribar un misil balístico.Los misiles balísticos no son nuevos en la guerra: la Alemania nazi debutó el cohete V-2 durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial y la “guerra de las ciudades” durante el conflicto Irán-Iraq en la década de 1980 vio rondas de misiles Scud —descendientes del V-2— causando estragos en las poblaciones civiles. Pero la tecnología para derrotar misiles balísticos ha avanzado significativamente desde la Guerra Fría. El interceptor PAC-3 del sistema Patriot se dirige directamente a su objetivo, destruyéndolo con pura energía cinética en lugar de una ojiva explosiva; en resumen, una bala que golpea a otra bala.En una declaración el miércoles, el presidente de Ucrania, Volodymyr Zelensky, pidió más interceptores.“Los interceptores de misiles balísticos podrían haber salvado las vidas de quienes murieron hoy”, dijo. “Es muy importante que nuestros socios entiendan que los retrasos en su suministro, o la falta de voluntad para proporcionar sistemas antibalísticos, conducen directamente a víctimas y destrucción tan horribles. Los socios que aún no están listos para desempeñar un papel más activo en el suministro de interceptores pueden ayudar implementando nuevas sanciones. Una parte significativa de la producción rusa de misiles balísticos aún no está bajo sanciones”.La amenaza a las ciudades ucranianas puede resumirse en tres grandes categorías: misiles balísticos, misiles de crucero y drones, todos ellos lanzados típicamente desde territorio ruso o zonas ocupadas de Ucrania. Más cerca de las líneas del frente, los rusos han empleado drones de ataque más pequeños para aterrorizar áreas civiles en Ucrania, atacando estaciones de servicio y vehículos. A principios de esta semana, un vendedor de comida en la región sureña de Jersón sobrevivió por poco a un ataque de un dron FPV, en un ataque comúnmente descrito como un “safari de drones”.Ucrania ya ha demostrado su destreza e ingenio para contrarrestar los drones rusos. Estos dispositivos son relativamente baratos y abundantes: Rusia produce en masa el Geran-2, una versión del dron Shahed de diseño iraní, e introdujo mejoras que incluyen motores a reacción, así como drones señuelo para aumentar la efectividad de sus ataques con drones. Pero Ucrania cuenta con una gama escalonada de defensas contra los drones relativamente lentos, y su experiencia en contramedidas contra drones ha sido solicitada tras la guerra entre Estados Unidos e Irán.Los misiles de crucero suelen portar una carga mucho mayor que un dron. Impulsados por motores a reacción, normalmente pueden volar cerca del suelo para evadir la detección. La Missile Defense Advocacy Alliance afirma que el Kalibr —un misil de crucero lanzado desde el mar y desplegado por buques de superficie y submarinos rusos— puede volar a unos 20 metros sobre el mar o 50 metros sobre tierra.Un misil balístico, en cambio, tiene una velocidad y trayectoria muy diferentes. Impulsado por motores cohete, el misil sigue un arco alto antes de descender hacia su objetivo. Los alcances varían, pero las velocidades son extremas: el misil balístico ruso de corto alcance Iskander vuela a seis o siete veces la velocidad del sonido y puede transportar hasta 700 kilogramos de explosivos. Un misil balístico intercontinental de largo alcance —diseñado originalmente para transportar ojivas nucleares fuera de la atmósfera antes de reingresar— puede volar desde un sitio de lanzamiento en Estados Unidos sobre el Círculo Ártico hasta un objetivo en Rusia en el tiempo que tarda en entregarse una pizza, 30 minutos o menos. En ataques recientes contra Kyiv, las sirenas antiaéreas han sonado al mismo tiempo que los impactos.Rusia ha lanzado el misil Oreshnik, un arma hipersónica de alcance intermedio, en contadas ocasiones contra Ucrania en ataques considerados como una señal de la disposición de Moscú a escalar el conflicto. Sin embargo, los sistemas de corto alcance como el misil balístico Iskander han sido el caballo de batalla de las fuerzas armadas rusas. Funcionarios ucranianos dicen que los rusos también han reutilizado misiles de defensa aérea S-400 como misiles balísticos para atacar objetivos ucranianos.Ante una escasez de interceptores y el aumento de los ataques contra sus ciudades, Kyiv ha estado presionando a Washington para coproducir el sistema Patriot. El presidente de Estados Unidos, Donald Trump, insinuó al margen de la cumbre de la OTAN el mes pasado en Ankara que podría estar dispuesto a autorizar la coproducción ucraniana del Patriot, pero la semana pasada el mandatario pareció frustrar las esperanzas ucranianas al decir: “Estamos hablando de ello, pero es difícil entregar ese tipo de tecnología”.Mientras tanto, funcionarios ucranianos aseguran que Rusia está reforzando su arsenal con misiles balísticos norcoreanos, lo que incrementa aún más la amenaza.Vladyslav Vlasyuk, enviado presidencial de Ucrania para sanciones, dijo que Ucrania había identificado un misil norcoreano KN-23 —equivalente al ruso Iskander— que recientemente destruyó una casa en Radushne, en la región rural de Dnipropetrovsk, matando a seis personas, entre ellas tres niños, y dejando a otros cinco menores desaparecidos tras el ataque.El KN-23, señaló, “es prácticamente idéntico al Iskander ruso. Incluso comparten componentes idénticos, incluidos algunos de fabricación occidental. Este es un ejemplo de la dependencia de Rusia de la ayuda militar de Corea del Norte. Los misiles norcoreanos están matando a civiles ucranianos igual que los rusos”.Y la brecha en la defensa antimisiles de Ucrania podría ampliarse debido a la guerra entre Estados Unidos e Irán. Como informó CNN esta semana, las fuerzas armadas estadounidenses han agotado casi cuatro quintas partes de otro sistema de defensa antimisiles, el Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense, según varias fuentes familiarizadas con el asunto. El inventario de interceptores Patriot se redujo aproximadamente a la mitad desde el inicio de la guerra, según dos fuentes familiarizadas con el último informe de inventario.“La defensa contra misiles balísticos sigue siendo un problema difícil”, dijo la analista militar Dara Massicot en una publicación en X, tras una reciente visita de investigación a Ucrania. “Los problemas con los interceptores Patriot son conocidos. Ucrania sabe lo que debe hacerse, y en mi opinión, ha llegado el momento de que (Ucrania) considere un Plan B y un Plan C sobre cómo reducir el potencial de lanzamiento ruso”.Y mientras Kyiv considera los Planes B y C, el tiempo corre para las ciudades ucranianas mientras Rusia continúa intensificando su campaña de misiles.The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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