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El afán de Trump por los aranceles nunca disminuyó. Sus próximos movimientos podrían reconfigurar el comercio

La guerra comercial del presidente Donald Trump ha regresado. Tras meses de relativa calma después de la decisión de la Corte Suprema en febrero que anuló los gravámenes generalizados impuestos por el presidente a sus socios comerciales globales, la administración vuelve a la carga.

El viernes entraron en vigor aranceles de entre el 10 % y el 12,5 % sobre las importaciones procedentes de 60 socios comerciales.

Dado a que estos aranceles son muy similares a los que Trump impuso tras el fallo de la Corte Suprema, que ya han expirado, es poco probable que provoquen un aumento significativo de los precios para los consumidores estadounidenses.

Pero eso suponiendo que Trump se detenga ahí. Su historial y sus recientes anuncios sugieren lo contrario.

Desde su regreso al cargo, Trump ha ampliado progresivamente su agenda arancelaria.

Lo que comenzó con recargos generales dirigidos a las importaciones de Canadá, México y China pronto se amplió para incluir gravámenes sobre automóviles, acero y cobre, antes de culminar en sus aranceles “recíprocos” generalizados dirigidos a casi todos los socios comerciales de Estados Unidos.

Ni siquiera el fallo de la Corte Suprema que declaró ilegales esos tributos frenó su afán por imponerlos. De hecho, es posible que lo haya vuelto aún más decidido.

Los gravámenes más recientes de Trump son solo una parte de un esfuerzo más amplio por reconstruir la agenda comercial de Estados Unidos.

Con nuevas investigaciones en curso, la administración está impulsando una estrategia comercial que podría ir mucho más allá de los aranceles que ahora entran en vigor.

El resultado podría transformar las cadenas de suministro globales, afectar los precios que pagan las empresas y los consumidores, y redefinir la relación de Estados Unidos con sus socios comerciales.

En los últimos meses, los funcionarios han estado reconstruyendo gran parte del régimen arancelario que existía antes del fallo, esta vez basándose en autoridades que los abogados especializados en comercio generalmente consideran que tienen una base legal más sólida.

Los aranceles anunciados el viernes son un ejemplo. Se derivan de una investigación de varios meses sobre denuncias de trabajo forzoso y, en gran medida, restablecen tributos que habían desaparecido tras la decisión judicial.

A principios de esta semana, también entraron en vigor aranceles sobre ciertos productos brasileños bajo una base legal diferente, luego de que el Gobierno determinara que las políticas de Brasil habían perjudicado el comercio estadounidense.

Históricamente, esas leyes han demostrado ser más sólidas en los tribunales. Sin embargo, eso no garantiza que sobrevivan a este desafío.

El grupo Liberty Justice, un bufete de abogados sin fines de lucro de tendencia libertaria que ganó el caso arancelario ante la Corte Suprema, presentó rápidamente una demanda el viernes argumentando que los nuevos impuestos también son ilegales.

“Esta es la tercera vez que la administración intenta imponer su política arancelaria global sin respetar los límites legales”, declaró Jeffrey Schwab, abogado principal y director de litigios del Liberty Justice Center.

“La Sección 301 es una medida correctiva específica para cada país y para cada práctica. No es una autorización independiente para gravar prácticamente todas las importaciones de prácticamente todos los países con tasas preestablecidas”, apuntó.

Sea legal o no, el uso del artículo 301 no ofrece la misma rapidez ni flexibilidad que los poderes de emergencia.

Por eso, los expertos en comercio están prestando mucha atención a otra ley que la administración ha adoptado recientemente: la Sección 338 de la Ley Arancelaria Smoot-Hawley, una disposición que nunca antes se había utilizado.

A principios de esta semana, Trump invocó la Sección 338 para amenazar con imponer aranceles del 50 % a ciertos productos canadienses, argumentando que Canadá había discriminado al comercio estadounidense.

Sin embargo, funcionarios del Gobierno también reconocieron que la medida estaba vinculada a la represalia de Canadá contra los gravámenes estadounidenses impuestos anteriormente.

Esta dinámica pone de manifiesto cómo Trump sigue considerando los aranceles como una herramienta para ejercer presión, tanto por quejas comerciales como para obtener ventajas en negociaciones más amplias.

A diferencia de las obligaciones promulgadas el viernes, parece que no existe un “período de espera” para que los gravámenes establecidos en virtud de esta ley entren en vigor.

“Algunos de nuestros clientes están sumamente preocupados de que este sea el primer paso hacia aranceles más elevados”, declaró Kyle Peacock, director de Peacock Tariff Consulting.

Muchos de sus clientes canadienses trabajan sin descanso para enviar sus productos a Estados Unidos antes de que los tributos entren en vigor el próximo mes. “Muchos están cancelando las vacaciones de sus equipos para producir lo máximo posible y enviarlo cuanto antes”.

Fuera de Norteamérica, trabajar con estos plazos sería mucho más difícil, si no imposible, añadió.

Pero espera, aún hay más.

En una publicación de Truth Social el viernes, Trump anunció que su administración iniciaría una investigación bajo la Sección 301 contra la Unión Europea por lo que calificó de trato “discriminatorio” del bloque hacia importantes empresas tecnológicas estadounidenses, como Google, Apple, Meta y Amazon.

La Sección 301 se refiere a una disposición de la ley comercial de 1974, el mismo mecanismo que se está utilizando para imponer los nuevos aranceles el viernes. En esencia, es una vía para aumentar los recargos.

Existen varias investigaciones pendientes, incluida una que analiza el exceso de capacidad en el sector manufacturero y que se centra en 16 de los principales socios comerciales de Estados Unidos.

Los aranceles que resulten de estas investigaciones podrían sumarse a otros ya existentes.

“Si son lo suficientemente amplias como para hacer retroceder las tarifas arancelarias hasta los niveles de 2025, la incertidumbre aumentará drásticamente y será mucho más difícil ignorar el impacto en el crecimiento y la inflación, especialmente si los precios de la energía se mantienen altos durante más tiempo”, declaró Olu Sonola, jefe de economía estadounidense de Fitch Ratings, en una nota publicada el jueves.

Puede que existan razones políticas para que la administración evite otra escalada arancelaria importante antes de noviembre. Pero si el segundo mandato de Trump ha dejado algo claro, es que las batallas arancelarias pueden intensificarse —y cambiar de rumbo— rápidamente.

The-CNN-Wire
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Another Democratic nail-biter in Wisconsin and other takeaways from Tuesday’s primaries

(CNN) — The Democratic primary for governor in Wisconsin was neck-and-neck early Wednesday morning, with democratic socialist state lawmaker Francesca Hong and moderate Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley separated by less than a percentage point.The race was seen as a gauge of the party’s ideological direction — testing whether the progressive insurgency that has played out in deep-blue districts this spring and summer would extend into another presidential battleground.Hong, though, faced deep concerns about her electability, and outgoing Gov. Tony Evers sought to rally Democrats behind Crowley in the race’s final days.It was the most closely watched race on a primary day that included a Democratic Senate battle in Minnesota, a Republican Senate contest in South Carolina and a long-time incumbent being ousted in Connecticut. Here are takeaways from Tuesday’s primaries:Another underperformance for the leftAugust has been a big test for the left-wing of the Democratic Party – a rare chance for it to demonstrate its ability to win not just in deep-blue urban areas but also swing states.But for the second straight week, its candidate had a dogfight on their hands. Last week, it was Abdul El-Sayed winning the Michigan Democratic Senate primary by a very narrow margin; this week, it’s Hong facing a race that is closer than many expected.So, what might explain this?One possibility is that some voters might be gun-shy about following through and voting for candidates who might struggle to win in the general election. Democratic leaders have worried greatly about nominating both El-Sayed and Hong, and perhaps some voters were convinced those votes would be too risky.Polling primary elections is also more difficult than general elections, because the universe of voters isn’t as predictable. And there is some thought that these surveys might be over-sampling more-educated, urban voters (who favor more left-wing candidates) and under-sampling more rural, blue-collar ones.Plus, there just wasn’t much quality polling in either race.But in the case of the Hong-Crowley race, there could be another explanation: that the opposition to Hong simply consolidated late.A late July poll from Marquette Law School showed Hong at 46%, former Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes at 21%, and Crowley at 11%.Sometimes when it’s clear a race is coming down to two candidates, voters see that and decide to choose between them. Crowley became the alternative when Barnes dropped out the day after that poll was released.Progressive wins Minnesota Senate primaryNext door in Minnesota, progressives won yet another race that served as a proxy battle between the party’s left and center flanks.Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan defeated moderate Rep. Angie Craig in the Democratic Senate primary. The two were competing for the party’s nomination to replace retiring Sen. Tina Smith.Flanagan criticized Craig’s history of financial support from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. She also lambasted Craig’s vote for the Laken Riley Act, which mandates the detention of undocumented immigrants charged with certain crimes and which the congresswoman now says she regrets supporting. The issue of immigration enforcement became a flashpoint in Minnesota after federal agents shot and killed two US citizens who were protesting mass deportation efforts there in January.Flanagan, however, never ignited the sorts of deep worries about electability that Hong faced in Wisconsin. She was also endorsed by Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders and Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren, both of whom sat out the Wisconsin governor’s race.The lieutenant governor will be the heavy favorite in November, when she’ll take on former NFL broadcaster Michele Tafoya, a first-time candidate.Progressives notched another victory in Minnesota in the primary for the 2nd District House seat that Craig is vacating. Matt Little, a former state senator, emerged as the winner in a crowded field in the Twin Cities’ southern suburbs.Darline Graham makes runoff, but has her work cut out for herDarline Graham rode President Donald Trump’s support to a Senate appointment and, now, to first place in South Carolina’s Republican special primary for a full term. But whether it will take her any further in the August 25 runoff is a big open question.Graham took about one-third of the vote on Tuesday, running well ahead of her new runoff opponent, Rep. Ralph Norman. But that’s no guarantee that she’ll be the favorite in the runoff, where the winner needs to get a majority of the vote.In fact, Graham is pretty far from 50%-plus-one, relative to other Trump-endorsed candidates. Before Tuesday, only one Trump-backed statewide candidate took less of the primary vote than she did.That was South Carolina Lt. Gov. Pam Evette in the June gubernatorial primary; she went on to lose by 37 points in the runoff, when her opponents’ supporters coalesced.One of the other candidates in that gubernatorial primary was Norman, who finished in third place with 17% in the initial contest. That wasn’t a great showing, but it meant he had a statewide campaign infrastructure to tap into in the wake of Sen. Lindsey Graham’s death last month.Norman has strong conservative bona fides as a leader of the House Freedom Caucus, which could be especially valuable in a one-on-one matchup with Darline Graham. And he served notice Tuesday that he’ll contrast his proven conservative record with her lack of a political track record.“My record is an open book,” he said.If Norman has one problem, it might be his decision in 2024 to back former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley over Trump. Norman has explained it was because of personal ties, but Trump often holds grudges over such things.It’s been a bad week for Trump’s endorseesNot only does Graham have plenty of work to do, but MyPillow founder Mike Lindell’s loss in the Minnesota GOP gubernatorial primary means three Trump-backed candidates have lost since last Tuesday.The first was Michigan congressional candidate Amir Hassan on August 4. He lost to a candidate who had dropped out of the race, Tom Smith, by double-digits.Then it was incumbent Rep. Andy Ogles falling to former Tennessee Agriculture Commissioner Charlie Hatcher on Thursday.And now it’s Graham going to a runoff and Lindell losing to Minnesota state House Speaker Lisa Demuth.Lindell’s loss means seven Trump-backed candidates for Congress or statewide office have lost this primary season, including five who ran for statewide office.The seven losses are more than Trump-backed candidates had in 2018, 2020 and 2024, according to a CNN review of data from Ballotpedia. And the four gubernatorial candidates who have now lost this year is more than in 2022, as well.Democratic upheaval in ConnecticutIn central Connecticut, the Democratic divide was less about ideology than generational change as voters in the 1st District ousted 78-year-old incumbent Rep. John Larson in favor of 47-year-old former Hartford Mayor Luke Bronin.Bronin’s win is a reminder of just how restive Democratic voters are. The party’s youth movement is being accelerated in the aftermath of former President Joe Biden’s ill-fated decision to seek reelection, only to drop out of the race as concerns about the then 81-year-old president’s age and mental acuity mounted.Larson, a 14-term incumbent, faced health concerns after abruptly freezing on the House floor during a February 2025 speech. He later said he suffered a complex partial seizure and had been prescribed medication that would “greatly reduce” the chances of another such episode.The longtime congressman made the case that his seniority best positioned him to deliver on the district’s priorities. But Bronin said Democrats need a new direction and a greater sense of urgency in taking on the Trump administration. He won the Connecticut Democratic Party’s endorsement, and was also backed by former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, a likely 2028 presidential contender.Dems stick with establishment’s pick in key Wisconsin districtRebecca Cooke will get the rematch she sought with Republican Rep. Derrick Van Orden in southwestern Wisconsin after she fended off progressive rival Emily Berge, the former Eau Claire city council president, in the 3rd District Democratic primary.It was a key race, with the Driftless Area congressional district looking like one of Democrats’ prime pick-up opportunities after Cooke, a small business owner and waitress who highlights her background as the daughter of dairy farmers, came within 3 percentage points of ousting Van Orden in a political environment more favorable to the GOP in 2024.Establishment Democrats are backing Cooke, who has proven to be a strong fundraiser. But the race wasn’t a traditional progressive-versus-moderate showdown. Cooke has distanced herself from left-leaning policies like defunding the police and abolishing Immigration and Customs Enforcement. But she was also endorsed by Sanders, and aired a television advertisement focused solely on highlighting the Vermont senator’s support.The biggest question entering Election Day was whether a progressive wave led by Hong would also sweep Berge to a surprise victory. But that surge did not materialize on Tuesday.The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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