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China loves historic sites. Tourists don’t mind if they’re not the originals

(CNN) — China is proud of its history. The only problem? Much of it has been lost to fires, wars, looting and revolutions.

Enter fanggu, “historical imitation” attractions. Across the country, entire faux-ancient villages have been built from scratch. From glistening palaces to majestic boulevards, every detail is curated. Vines are transplanted in bulk, and tiles are crumbled mechanically. The result is a grand, albeit sometimes bizarre, fusion of dynastic history, architecture and geography.

Modern consumers are “increasingly willing to pay for emotional value, seeking deeper engagement and cultural meaning through immersive experiences,” Yang Jinsong, director of the International Institute at the China Tourism Academy, told state media outlet People’s Daily in June.

For many domestic travelers frustrated with a stagnant economy, fanggu villages seem to offer the perfect escape. Once there, for an average of just $15, one can choose from hundreds of ready-made traditional costumes known as Hanfu.

For another $10, they unlock the full package: makeup, accessories, professional photography and post-production editing. Aiming for the classic pale-faced, red-lipped aesthetic, these photoshoots have become viral sensations on the popular social media platform Xiaohongshu (RedNote).

And now, foreign visitors are also joining in. Chinamaxxing – a social media-fueled movement popularizing Chinese practices and aesthetics – has convinced many young people to plan vacations to China. But what are these fanggu towns actually like?

Gubei Water Town (Beijing)

Forget about Venice: Gubei has canals, cobblestone roads, lantern-lit teahouses and gray-tiled homes. Sitting at the foot of the Simatai section of the Great Wall, it’s the perfect sanctuary after a steamy hike. Enjoy a boat ride, where century-old willows line the banks. Wander through the central square, where splintered plaques peep from vines. As your guide will likely say, isn’t Qing Dynasty “river life” romantic?

Gubei is described as a classic Jiangnan water village. Never mind that Jiangnan water villages never existed in the north – and Jiangnan means “south of the Yangtze River,” some 800 miles away.

Gubei is not an ancient relic. It was constructed in 2014 by a state-backed enterprise. This $600 million investment combined two of the most beloved attractions in China – the Great Wall in the north and water towns in the south. What was once a two-hour flight from Beijing is now a two-hour drive away.

In recent years, Gubei has won the hearts – and wallets – of exhausted Beijingers and curious foreign tourists alike. Travel platforms like Klook now bundle the Great Wall and water town into a day tour, promising a “getaway from the hustle and bustle of the city with a trip to an ancient village.” As of July 2026, it has received over 10,000 bookings and 2,200 reviews on the platform, achieving an average rating of 4.9.

And what if visitors want to stay the night? State enterprises manage all accommodation within the complex, from humble guest houses to premium resorts. Some properties command up to $500 per night. But after scaling the Great Wall, lounging in a lantern-lit villa might be the perfect way to unwind.

For most tourists, Gubei’s lack of history is not a dealbreaker. Some, however, wish that tours were more transparent.

Minyada “Minnie” Chotichaicharin, a Thai exchange student, visited Gubei in April. Her two-hour tour was filled with crafts, archery, hot springs and a classic boat ride.

But after visiting, she learned that Gubei wasn’t as ancient as it looked. She admits to feeling disappointment.

“I wouldn’t mind that it’s rebuilt,” she says, “but it’s hard to not feel tricked.”

Datang Everbright City (Xi’an)

Around 750 A.D., Xi’an was the world’s largest and most cosmopolitan city. As a Silk Road gateway, it bustled with merchants from across Asia, Europe and the Middle East. Today, Xi’an is faithfully Chinese. Along the pedestrian street, tourists pose with statues of famous Tang Dynasty poets, while a high-end bakery boasts a dragon made entirely of baguettes.

But now, Xi’an, which was China’s capital for more than a millennium, has built its own “city that never sleeps.”

Ablaze with red pagodas and throbbing to Chinese EDM, Datang Everbright City is a frenetic revival of the Golden Age of the Tang Dynasty. Conveniently overlooking the curfews of ancient China, the 2,100-meter pedestrian street draws nearly 75 million visitors yearly. While some are lured by history, most are thrilled by neon-soaked nightlife.

The newest obsession? “Time-traveling” weddings. The marathon shoot requires three sets of costumes: ruby-red Tang Hanfus, elegant Republican-era qipaos and modern white Western-style gowns. Videographers trail couples through lantern-lit pavilions and bustling crowds, curating a multi-century montage of romance.

Xi’an-based Mr. Zhou Wedding Studio offers premium packages curated to these fantasies. The service begins with a formal consultation with the scriptwriter, then an introduction to the director, makeup artists, stylists, videographers and a full cast.

To emulate an ancient Chinese wedding ceremony, actors serve tea, blast trumpets and perform a choreographed lion dance. The festivities culminate with the couple’s arrival – the groom galloping in on a horse, and the bride tiptoeing through fireworks. The scene then cuts, fast-forwarding until the couple “reunites” in another century, often as uniformed sweethearts in a modern-day university.

“Time-traveling” is expensive. Some Xiaohongshu users admit to being scorned by their parents for spending an entire month’s salary on the package. But for a generation of newlyweds raised on Chinese period dramas, many think the investment is worth it.

Kashgar Old City (Xinjiang)

Stretching from the blazing deserts of the Tarim Basin to the snow-capped peaks of the Tianshan Mountains, the region of Xinjiang in northwestern China has historically been a crossroads of trade and culture.

Xinjiang is home to several of China’s Muslim ethnic minorities, most prominently, the Uyghurs. In recent years, allegations of serious human rights violations, including mass detentions, targeting Uyghur and other Muslim minorities have dominated international media’s coverage of the region. The government in Beijing has denied any wrongdoing.

Within China, Xinjiang is seen by many outside the region as a “wild west.” Chinese investors have capitalized on its Silk Road legacy, rebranding the region as a colorful “window to the world.” The strategy is working. In 2025, Xinjiang recorded 323 million tourists, totaling more than $53 billion in revenue.

Many travelers flock to Kashgar, an oasis outpost boasting two millennia of history. But Kashgar Old City – now its central attraction – was controversially demolished and then rebuilt over a decade ago. While its labyrinth alleys remain, Kashgar today is a sanitized, modernized replica of what was once the center of Uyghur cultural life.

Kashgar’s popularity is also rising among young foreign travelers.

Edward Zhou, a student from Washington, found his visit “surreal.”

Despite the Old City’s “theme park” facade, he said he felt Kashgar offered a slice of history that he, and many travelers, had never found elsewhere.

In the end, it appears the verdict is mixed: while some visitors enjoy the much-needed escape offered by China’s fanggu destinations, others are frustrated by the curated fantasy. One thing is clear, though — social media loves it.

The-CNN-Wire
™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.

Saudi Arabia is getting dragged into a war it has tried desperately to avoid

(CNN) — Saudi Arabia has spent five months trying not to get dragged into a regional conflict, keeping open channels of communication with Tehran even as Iranian drones targeted its oil industry.Now it appears hemmed in, facing enemies in three directions: Iran as well as its proxies in Iraq and Yemen.In the last week, the kingdom has faced missile attacks from the Iranian-backed Houthis in Yemen, drone attacks from pro-Iranian militias in Iraq and renewed threats from Tehran.Early Tuesday local time, it became clear restraint was no longer an option –– its fighter jets, along with US planes, carried out strikes across eastern Iraq.But the stakes are high.Getting embroiled in a broader conflict would be a risky and potentially costly option for Riyadh. Over the last decade it has been focused on opening the kingdom up to foreign investment and making it the regional economic powerhouse. That in part drove its policy of détente with Iran long before the war, which led to an agreement mediated by China in 2023.That strategy is now on life support, as Saudi Arabia finds itself in the eye of a storm. Confronting unpredictable adversaries well-versed in asymmetrical warfare from three directions is a military planner’s nightmare.Saudi Arabia has spent tens of billions of dollars modernizing its military and buying state-of-the-art missile defenses, but it has a huge landmass (about one-fifth the size of the United States), coastlines to defend and its oil infrastructure is widely dispersed.The Houthi threatAt the weekend the Houthis fired missiles at two Saudi oil complexes on the Red Sea coast. Satellite images and geolocated video suggest extensive damage to one of those facilities, at Jazan near the border with Yemen.The missile strikes followed Houthi attacks on two Saudi tankers in the Red Sea after the group announced a blockade of Saudi shipping transiting the Bab al-Mandeb chokepoint. The Houthis claimed a further attack on a Saudi vessel Monday.For the Saudis, who have re-routed much of their oil exports through Red Sea ports such as Yanbu as Hormuz remains paralyzed, the blockade represents a major escalation.They are planning a further expansion of oil exports via the Red Sea – to about 9 million barrels a day over the next three years. But tankers leaving Yanbu for Asian markets must transit Bab al-Mandeb, leaving about three-quarters of exports through the Red Sea exposed to Houthi disruption, analysts say.Saudi Arabia spent seven years trying and failing to dislodge the Houthis from northern Yemen, launching a large-scale offensive against the militant group in 2015. The ensuing conflict provoked one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world.A truce was arranged in 2022, but it never became a peace. Saudi Arabia maintained an economic and air blockade against Houthi-controlled areas.Earlier this month, the Houthis accused Saudi Arabia of bombing the airport in the capital, Sanaa, to stop a direct flight from Tehran landing after it had ignored warnings to divert.The flight was carrying a Houthi delegation returning from the funeral of Iran’s former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. But “attention was also focused on what else may have been transported aboard the aircraft,” says Nawaf Obeid of the Department of War Studies at King’s College London.That set off the new cycle of violence, culminating in the missile attacks over the weekend.“All the red lines have been crossed, all the (Saudi) buttons have been pushed (by the Houthis),” says analyst Mohammed al Basha.A large force of Yemeni fighters hostile to the Houthis is assembling in the deserts of eastern Yemen, a regional source told CNN Monday. If it advances, it would be backed by the Saudi air force, including Apache attack helicopters.But for now, the Saudi response is more likely to comprise air strikes, analysts say. On Friday, the Saudi air force targeted the port at Hodeidah, the largest under Houthi control, in retaliation for the tanker attacks.The Saudi air force is far more capable than 10 years ago, according to Obeid, in detecting, tracking and engaging dispersed military threats. It has integrated systems in a way that “dramatically shortens the time between detection and engagement.”But there is also the possibility that the Houthis can be bought off; they have frequently demanded cash for their huge payroll of public employees and militia.“The Houthis appear to be following a North Korean playbook, using recurring cycles of provocation to extract political and economic concessions… turning their territories south of Saudi Arabia and the Red Sea into their stage,” according to Basha.Whether they would turn their backs on their Iranian patrons for Saudi cash remains unclear.The threat from IraqAmong the palm groves of southern Iraq, pro-Iranian militias launched two barrages of drones targeting critical Saudi infrastructure and the capital Riyadh on Monday and Tuesday, according to the Saudi defense ministry. The Houthis may have provided these militias with technical help, according to analysts.Riyadh’s patience was exhausted. And early Tuesday, it “conducted precise and targeted strikes” against militias in eastern Iraq “linked to the attacks on petroleum facilities in the Kingdom,” according to the Defense Ministry.There was a new red line. “The Kingdom emphasizes that it does not seek escalation but will respond to any aggression it faces,” the ministry added.“A number of people” were killed and wounded in the strikes, according to the Popular Mobilization Forces, the umbrella group for the militia.US Central Command (CENTCOM) said the joint operation was “a strong response” to over 30 drone attacks that it said had been directed by the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.In the first few weeks of the war, hundreds of drones were fired from Iraq towards US facilities in Saudi Arabia, according to CENTCOM. Despite the ceasefire in the conflict, a few more followed in May.Saudi officials will not have forgotten the precise and devastating attack on the Abqaiq refinery in 2019, which took out nearly half of Saudi’s oil production.The Houthis claimed that attack, but intelligence sources told CNN at the time that it had likely emanated from Iraq. In that instance, Saudi Arabia chose not to retaliate, but blamed Iran for the attack.The Iranian threatIn March and April, Saudi authorities scrambled to invest in anti-drone technology as Iranian Shahed drones targeted oil installations on its east coast. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky visited Riyadh to offer an integrated defensive system to defend against the Iranian drone swarms.But such an apparatus is not installed overnight. Saudi Arabia still faces the twin threat of Iranian drones and short-range ballistic missiles from across the Gulf.While Iran has not targeted Saudi Arabia directly since April, its foreign ministry claimed again this week that “some countries of the Persian Gulf independently participated in military attacks on Iran. The US is responsible for the attacks, but the role of some regional countries cannot be ignored.”Saudi Arabia did carry out some air strikes against Iran early in the conflict, but they were carefully calibrated, according to a diplomat familiar with events.It was a proportionate response designed to show that the kingdom could defend itself “if the USA is not around,” the diplomat told CNN in May.Should Saudi Arabia come under Iranian missile and drone attacks again, it could face un unpalatable choice: respond directly in a way that would draw it more deeply into war or turn the other cheek and embolden a Tehran regime that many see as more hardline than before the war.Saudi Arabia already faces a significant economic hit from the conflict. In the first three months of this year, it recorded its biggest quarterly deficit since 2018 as it boosted spending to offset the effects of the war and a sluggish economy.The deficit has been partially offset by higher revenues from more expensive oil, but further dislocation of oil production and exports would put that at risk. Many of the kingdom’s mega-projects have already been scaled back.A rough neighborhoodUltimately, Saudi Arabia is in the middle of a neighborhood that looks more threatening and volatile than it did on February 28, the day the war started.Saudi officials have been taken aback by the whiplash style of US President Donald Trump’s Iran and Gaza policies.While Saudi-US military-to-military cooperation remains close, there’s a broader apprehension in Riyadh of being left alone to face a more belligerent and assertive Iran once US interest wanes.The kingdom and its allies are at a crossroads. It doesn’t help that Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are only now beginning to repair relations scarred by the UAE’s sudden departure from the OPEC oil cartel, differences over the conflict with Iran, and a falling-out over who to back against the Houthis in Yemen.Saudi Arabia has clearly now decided that there is only so much punishment it can absorb before striking back.The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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