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‘Trump threw us all a curveball’: South Carolina Republicans are stewing about Lindsey Graham’s old Senate seat

When President Donald Trump helped orchestrate Darline Graham’s appointment to finish Sen. Lindsey Graham’s term, many Republicans in South Carolina saw it as a fitting tribute to her late brother.

But four days later, following Trump’s announcement that he wanted Graham to run for a six-year term, their feelings quickly flipped.

The president’s decision to get behind a political unknown for a breakneck special election process is further testing his clout in South Carolina, a solidly red state where Republicans already this year have roundly rejected his first pick for the governor’s race and his push to redraw the state’s congressional maps. Behind the scenes, some Republicans are stewing as others fret that Trump is setting himself up for failure, once again, in the Palmetto State.

“The issue is that the president continues to get bad advice about South Carolina,” said CJ Westfall, chairman of the Dorchester County GOP. “We certainly empathize with Darline — and even the president, as Lindsey was a really good friend of his — but he’s certainly getting bad advice. We’ve got a lot more exciting options for this seat. It’s a once-in-a-generation opportunity.”

When speaking privately to candidly discuss the race, GOP heavyweights in the state echo a growing number of social media posts lamenting “coronations” and “monarchies” — complaining that what could have been South Carolina Republicans’ first open Senate primary in more than two decades now features an incumbent with the same surname.

One Republican state lawmaker said it felt like a “backroom deal” that voters wouldn’t like. A county GOP official suggested some voters would see it as “a family Senate seat being passed down.” And another GOP state legislator said there are “definitely hard feelings.”

“This was always going to be a little messy because it’s a warp-speed campaign for a Senate seat,” said the second lawmaker. “And then Trump threw us all a curveball with Darline. That wasn’t expected. It wasn’t exactly welcomed here, either. But it’s the president’s choice. And voters will have their choice.”

However, they are less likely to vent publicly, in part because Graham is grieving the loss of her brother but also due to Trump’s quick endorsement of the political newcomer and his penchant for going after those who openly criticize his strategy.

Allies of Darline Graham are confident that South Carolina Republicans will warm to her now that her brother’s funerals are over and she is more free to campaign. They expect her to pay homage to her brother’s legacy but also show she is her own person and more focused on domestic issues as a working mother of two children.

“I’ve never had any desire to be a politician,” Darline Graham said Saturday during a joint appearance with her competitors in Lexington. “I’m here today because I’m answering President Trump’s call to serve. I want to stand up for South Carolina and I want to fight for President Trump’s agenda.”

Jordan Pace, a state representative who chairs the South Carolina Freedom Caucus and supports Rep. Ralph Norman for the seat, said there’s been a clear backlash to Graham’s candidacy.

“The conservative grassroots, who’s kind of the base of the Republican electorate, instantaneously went against this,” Pace said, suggesting the race is too short — and too important – for pulling punches about Darline Graham. “This is as fast and furious as it gets.”

Asked for comment on this story, the White House referred to Trump’s previous comments on Graham, including the social media post where he endorsed her.

Trump’s endorsement didn’t stop others from running

The impact – or perhaps lack thereof – of Trump’s endorsement can be seen in the crowded nine-person field.

Graham did not deter two major competitors, Reps. Russell Fry and Norman, from challenging her. Others running include businessman Mark Lynch, who challenged Lindsey Graham earlier this year in the primary, and Mark Sanford, the former South Carolina governor and congressman. The August 11 primary is so widely expected to go to a runoff that the state GOP has already scheduled a debate for a week later.

Several GOP operatives told CNN this week they wouldn’t be surprised if this brief Senate primary campaign ended in a dual endorsement like the governor’s race earlier this year. After the Trump-backed Lt. Gov. Pamela Evette was forced into a runoff with Attorney General Alan Wilson, Trump amended his endorsement to include both of them. Wilson ended up beating Evette resoundingly.

Multiple people in Palmetto State politics said they had expected Trump – after Lindsey Graham’s death – to endorse Fry. CNN previously reported the 41-year-old Myrtle Beach-area congressman had been engaged in positive conversations with Trump about running up until the president posted his endorsement of Darline Graham.

Despite losing out on the endorsement, Fry has continued to highlight his good relationship with Trump while campaigning, even noting that Trump endorsed his House re-election campaign a few months back. The strategy feels similar to the way Wilson handled his own campaign, even as Evette had Trump’s endorsement before the runoff.

Graham’s opponents have to walk a tightrope: running against her without risking the appearance of attacking the president or a grieving sister.

The contrasts have been indirect so far. Norman has pitched himself as a “proven conservative.” A Norman campaign spokeswoman, Brittany Yanick, said in a statement that he “will run a positive campaign and focus on highlighting [his] proven America First conservative record.”

Sanford said in an interview he has a “longstanding record of accomplishment on conservative ideals.”

Fry has touted himself as part of a “new generation” of leadership with “fresh energy.” He argues he has a longer record of loyalty to the president.

“When nobody else really in this field was with the president, we were,” Fry said this week in a radio interview, suggesting Trump likes him as much as he does Darline Graham. “He’s very high on me too.”

Now the Republican nominee for governor, Wilson has called for civility and partnered with the state GOP to host “stump stops” across the state to give the candidates a platform to make their case to voters.

Tyson Grinstead, a member of the Republican National Committee from South Carolina, said he thought Trump’s endorsement would carry more weight in the Senate primary than it did in the gubernatorial primary. South Carolina Republicans, he said, understand that being effective in Washington requires a close relationship with the president like what Lindsey Graham had.

“I do think people are willing to look at the field and see who’s in there and make a decision on their own,” Grinstead said.

Darline Graham steps into the spotlight

When Gov. Henry McMaster introduced Graham as his interim appointment to the seat, McMaster himself was not under the impression she would run in the special election, according to a source with knowledge of the matter.

But around the time of an Oval Office meeting with Trump, word leaked out that she was interested – and within hours, Trump gave her his blessing. Suddenly, a somber period turned more political, as Republicans raced to learn more about her ahead of a potential full six-year term.

Much of what was already known about her had to do with her close relationship with her brother. Their parents raised them in a room behind a bar they owned in the town of Central, South Carolina. After each parent died 15 months apart in the 1970s, Lindsey Graham was left to raise his younger sister through her teenage years and college.

She went on to hold several state government roles in South Carolina and has been serving as a commissioner of the state’s Commission for the Blind since 2019. Her campaign plans to highlight that experience as part of her commitment to making government more efficient.

“We turned it from a struggling organization into a national model,” she said Saturday.

Darline Graham inherited her brother’s committee assignments shortly after being sworn in, and she began illuminating her views by cosponsoring dozens of bills. She cosponsored the SAVE America Act, a Trump priority bill that would overhaul federal elections, and later signed on to the Russia sanctions bill that was posthumously named after her brother.

She described her first days in Congress as a whirlwind during an event in Lexington on Saturday. She showed off new shoes that she said she bought to walk around the Capitol, adding that she already has blisters from them.

Darline Graham has suggested she will be less concerned with foreign policy than her brother, a well-known supporter of US intervention abroad. Trump told reporters Wednesday he that thought she would be “much more focused” on domestic issues.

“Lindsey was an expert on the federal budget,” Darline Graham said Saturday. “I’m an expert on the family budget.”

Still, many South Carolinians are seeing Darline Graham in an overtly political light for the first time after she spent years behind the scenes helping her brother.

Eaddy Willard, a longtime South Carolina GOP activist, said she has known of Darline Graham as far back as the 1990s, when Willard was working for Sanford, the former congressman and governor who is now running against her.

“Bottom line, just about any election cycle, we saw and got to know Darline,” Willard said.

Willard said it never occurred to her that Graham could enter politics herself because she was always seen as playing a supporting role for her brother. And even if she harbored her own political ambitions, Willard added, she seemed “mindful of etiquette and appropriateness” and would not go out of her way to upstage her brother.

“Overall my sense of Darline has always been that she’s just very grounded,” Willard said. “She seemed comfortable in any situation and not flustered by sometimes the pomp and circumstance that is politics. And I imagine that comes from living through such tragedy, not just of her parents dying but living in poverty and a pretty austere upbringing.”

Kevin Bishop, a former longtime aide to Lindsey Graham, said that upbringing forged a tight relationship between Lindsey and Darline Graham. Lindsey Graham, Bishop said, often played the role of the “overbearing big brother.” Darline Graham came to appreciate that more as an adult, realizing it came from “a place of love,” Bishop said.

“She is distinguished in her own right, and she’s always been a loving sister,” Bishop said. “And I think when people get to know her, they’re going to be really impressed with Darline and just the type of person she is. She’s got a quick wit. She’s very funny. She’s also a sweet Southern lady, but she can push back when she needs to.”

The competition isn’t backing down

Graham entered the race with some significant advantages beyond Trump’s endorsement. While Senate Majority Leader John Thune is staying neutral in the primary, she has the support of three other Senate GOP leaders, according to Semafor: Majority Whip John Barrasso, Conference Chair Tom Cotton and Policy Committee Chair Shelley Moore Capito.

Graham is also benefiting from ad spending in coordination with the National Republican Senatorial Committee, which is chaired by fellow South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott. The spending comes as part of Lindsey’s Graham’s leftover campaigns funds that have been transferred to the NRSC, according to a source familiar with the arrangement.

Security is Strength PAC, a super PAC that was supporting Lindsey Graham’s reelection before he died, has already launched a $900,000 advertising campaign for Darline Graham. Its debut ad touts that she has been “endorsed by President Trump to continue Lindsey Graham’s mission.”

Yet her best-known competitors are also off to a strong start, even as Trump reiterates his support for Graham in public appearances. Norman has the backing of Sens. Mike Lee of Utah and Rick Scott of Florida, as well as fellow South Carolina Rep. Nancy Mace. Fry has been endorsed by 40 state lawmakers and has already raised more than $800,000. And Sanford is being boosted by a super PAC that has already spent over $1 million.

They will also have to contend with Lynch, who got 29% of the primary vote against Lindsey Graham. He drew a contrast on Saturday with the field, saying some of his opponents “have been in Congress, and we have a lot of problems still that we’re inheriting.”

The ads boosting Darline Graham’s rivals don’t mention her. But they put the issue of conservative credibility front and center.

“When you choose your next senator, you shouldn’t have to guess,” Norman said in his first ad. “You should already know.”

This story has been updated with additional information.

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Por qué el cambiazo secreto de Air Force One de Trump es problemático

A primera vista, la noticia de que el presidente Donald Trump cambió de avión en secreto antes de salir de Turquía el mes pasado debido a una amenaza de seguridad proveniente de Irán podría parecer no controvertida, e incluso algo genial, en un sentido de capa y espada.Pero la historia — que fue revelada por The Washington Post a última hora del lunes y más tarde confirmada por CNN y otros — sí plantea algunos problemas y preguntas muy reales.Primero, repasemos lo básico de lo informado.Ya se había informado el mes pasado que, debido a preocupaciones de seguridad, la Casa Blanca había descartado un vuelo de regreso en el nuevo avión regalado por Catar que Trump usa como Air Force One, en favor del avión más antiguo. (Trump había afirmado inicialmente que era para que miembros del servicio estadounidense pudieran recorrer el nuevo avión). El avión antiguo tiene mejores características de seguridad que el avión nuevo reacondicionado. Y dado que Turquía limita con Irán, esa precaución tendría sentido.Ahora está claro que Trump abordó el avión antiguo y luego fue trasladado en secreto, mediante un camión de catering, a un Air Force C-32A más pequeño. Voló en ese al Reino Unido, donde mantuvo la farsa al volver a abordar de forma encubierta el viejo Air Force One, desembarcar para las cámaras y luego subirse al avión regalado por Catar para el vuelo de regreso a casa.Eso plantea el primer problema.Es legítimo — y no es algo inaudito — que se tomen este tipo de medidas para proteger a un presidente. Pero es notable que Trump y la Casa Blanca siguieran mintiendo al respecto incluso después de que el aparente peligro hubiera pasado.El entonces presidente Bill Clinton usó un avión señuelo para un viaje a Pakistán en 2000, llegando en un C-20 sin marcas después de que un C-20 con una imagen estadounidense más conspicua hubiera aterrizado. (Funcionarios estadounidenses temían que el avión de Clinton pudiera ser derribado por terroristas como Osama bin Laden).Pero Clinton pronto se bajó del avión sin marcas, revelando efectivamente la artimaña al público. Y The Washington Post informó el martes que la Casa Blanca de Clinton informó al jefe de la Asociación de Corresponsales de la Casa Blanca, extraoficialmente, con antelación.En contraste, Trump y la Casa Blanca siguieron fingiendo que en realidad había volado en el Air Force One antiguo.Durante un encuentro informal con la prensa en el tramo posterior desde el Reino Unido de regreso a Estados Unidos (cuando Trump estaba en el avión nuevo), el presidente habló en términos generales sobre la posibilidad de que el avión pudiera haber enfrentado preocupaciones de seguridad. Pero negó rotundamente que hubiera una específica.“¿Está diciendo que no había una preocupación de seguridad?”, preguntó un reportero.“No. No. ¿Por qué la habría?”, respondió Trump.Preguntado si había “algún otro problema”, dijo: “No”.Cuando los reporteros siguieron insistiendo sobre si había una amenaza específica, Trump desvió repetidamente.“Bueno, tengo una amenaza todo el tiempo”, dijo Trump. “Soy el número uno en su lista antes que ustedes. Pero si yo me voy, ustedes se van”.Un asesor demócrata de seguridad nacional dijo el martes que el Gang of Eight, un grupo de líderes del Congreso, no fue informado sobre el episodio, pero señaló que los movimientos presidenciales no son algo en cuya gestión el Congreso se involucre profundamente. Pero, añadió el asesor, “el Congreso debería haber sido informado sobre la amenaza, si no sobre el episodio”.Un asesor republicano de un miembro del Gang of Eight dijo que no podía comentar sobre las acciones del grupo.Y eso nos lleva a otra parte delicada de esto. Si bien es comprensible tomar medidas extensas para proteger al presidente, este plan dejó a muchas personas — incluidos reporteros y miembros del personal de la administración — en el Air Force One antiguo como señuelos involuntarios y sin saberlo, muy en la línea de fuego.Las preguntas a partir de ahí son: ¿Había alguna alternativa a eso, como permitir que todos los demás salieran en otros aviones? ¿Por qué no se informó a los reporteros? (A veces esa información puede compartirse bajo embargo, en cuyo caso los reporteros tienen la información pero no pueden publicarla. Por supuesto, la administración Trump no confía en la prensa). Y, por último, ¿qué precauciones se tomaron para proteger el avión legado?“Ahora va a haber preguntas con respecto a qué seguridad se proporcionó para cada uno de los otros dos 747, donde la gente seguía volando en ese avión representando a la prensa de Estados Unidos, al personal de la Casa Blanca”, dijo en CNN el exagente del Servicio Secreto Robert McDonald en “The Story Is with Elex Michaelson”.El secretario de Estado Marco Rubio el martes ignoró una pregunta de CNN sobre si la administración puso en riesgo a los reporteros y al personal.Aunque todavía hay mucho que no se conoce públicamente sobre la amenaza específica de Irán, el hecho de que al parecer fuera lo bastante creíble como para este cambiazo socava de forma contundente las afirmaciones de Trump de que las capacidades militares de Irán han sido diezmadas.Trump no solo ha afirmado esto, sino que él y el secretario de Defensa Pete Hegseth han citado específicamente la supuesta incapacidad de Irán para derribar aeronaves.Hegseth dijo en marzo que Estados Unidos e Israel pronto tendrían “control completo de los cielos iraníes” y un “espacio aéreo incontestado”.“Literalmente tenemos aviones volando sobre Teherán y otras partes de su país; no pueden hacer nada al respecto”, añadió Trump el 24 de marzo.Trump también dijo que Irán no tenía “marina”, “ejército”, “fuerza aérea” ni “sistemas antiaéreos”.Por supuesto, poco después de todos estos comentarios, Irán a principios de abril logró derribar dos aviones estadounidenses. Pero la idea de que pudiera plausiblemente derribar al Air Force One socava aún más las afirmaciones de Trump.“Si necesitaban tomar medidas tan extraordinarias para proteger al presidente porque el nivel de amenaza era tan alto, el pueblo estadounidense merecía saber que el nivel de amenaza era tan alto en este caso en particular”, dijo el lunes en CNN el exasesor de la Casa Blanca de Obama David Axelrod en “The Source with Kaitlan Collins”.En un plano más amplio, este desarrollo complica la trama de una saga ya confusa que involucra al Air Force One, preocupaciones de seguridad y los esfuerzos de la Casa Blanca por contener esa historia —incluyendo la emisión de controvertidas citaciones a reporteros de The New York Times—.Ya había preguntas válidas sobre la decisión inicial de no dejar que Trump volara su avión regalado por Catar de regreso desde Turquía. Si el avión no era tan seguro como el avión legado, ¿por qué Trump lo estaba volando en absoluto, particularmente en espacio aéreo extranjero? Sugería que el deseo de Trump de poner en el aire el codiciado avión nuevo podría haber llevado a recortar medidas (lo cual es un tema recurrente con él).Luego la administración dio el paso extraordinario de citar a los periodistas del Times que habían informado que ese jet regalado por Catar fue sustituido por preocupaciones de seguridad. Afirmó que la situación involucraba a alguien “amenazando la seguridad nacional al filtrar información clasificada”. Pero la administración retiró las citaciones dos semanas después, después de que un juez dejara claro que era escéptico sobre su argumento.CNN también ha informado que ha habido una amplia investigación interna dentro de la administración, y que a algunos funcionarios se les ha pedido entregar sus teléfonos.La historia sin duda involucra cuestiones de seguridad nacional. Pero, ¿cuánto de este esfuerzo por identificar a los filtradores también tiene que ver con evitar la vergüenza asociada con la decisión apresurada y potencialmente peligrosa de Trump de insistir en volar su avión regalado por Catar? ¿O, potencialmente, con evitar revelar que se usó a personal y reporteros como señuelos?O quizá Trump simplemente no quería admitir que Irán tenía esas capacidades.The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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