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Cientos de escuelas sufrieron el impacto del sismo en Colombia. Detrás de esto se esconden años de desigualdad

La estela de múltiples emergencias desatadas por el terremoto en Colombia, entre la cifra de muertos y de viviendas colapsadas, tiene una que grafica que impacta por su dimensión y el efecto sobre los más vulnerables: los más de 3.400 centros educativos afectados, escuelas y colegios que sirven de refugio y contención para niños y que tuvieron más daños en las zonas rurales más necesitadas.

En su recorrido por Quibdó, una de las capitales departamentales más afectadas del país, la cantante Shakira prometió reconstruir la Universidad Tecnológica del Chocó y construir 10 nuevas escuelas, y comprometió a varias organizaciones a donar fondos para los centros educativos. Explicó que lo que más le preocupa es que después del estado de emergencia “queden tantas personas en el olvido y damnificadas y nuestros niños no puedan volver al colegio”.

La cantante puso el énfasis en una de las zonas más desfavorecidas del país, con desigualdades históricas que podrían profundizarse con el desastre natural.

“Existe una gran brecha entre la infraestructura rural y la urbana”, explicó a CNN Ricardo Bonett, doctor en ingeniería sísmica y docente de la Universidad de Medellín, coautor de estudios sobre el riesgo en las escuelas.

“Un gran porcentaje de los centros educativos rurales fueron diseñados y construidos sin cumplir con los requerimientos de las normativas vigentes de diseño sismo resistente ni bajo una supervisión técnica por parte de un profesional con las competencias del caso”, repasó.

El investigador destacó también el desafío que presenta el terreno desde antes de la obra. “Muchas de las escuelas fueron construidas en zonas inestables desde el punto geológico o bajo la amenaza de otros fenómenos tales como vendavales, movimientos en masa o avenidas torrenciales. (…) El estado previo de muchas de estas escuelas rurales, es deficiente por problemas no solo de la forma como fueron construidos sino por condiciones adversas del terreno donde fueron construidas y la ausencia de un mantenimiento preventivo”, explicó.

El Ministerio de Educación anunció una directiva con orientaciones “para la protección de la comunidad educativa y la continuidad en la prestación del servicio”, con medidas como planes de virtualidad, primeros auxilios psicológicos y un programa para la obtención de tablets. Sin embargo, no todas las medidas son igual de aplicables en el territorio nacional, especialmente en zonas de baja conectividad y que también quedaron afectadas para el suministro eléctrico.

Las autoridades confirmaron que más de 400.000 estudiantes tienen afectada su matrícula. Decenas de miles no saben cuándo volverán a clases. El número es preocupante, dijo a CNN María Mercedes Liévano, directora ejecutiva de la ONG Save The Children en Colombia.

“Cuando se pierde la escuela como espacio seguro, eso es lo que tenemos que garantizar: que la tragedia no interrumpa el acceso seguro a la educación. Tienen que recuperar rutinas, sentir seguridad. Es triste que sean tantas sedes educativas (afectadas), es triste las condiciones en las que estaban”, comentó.

Colombia tiene más de 56.000 edificios escolares y el 82 % están en zonas rurales, según datos del Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística. Así, decenas de miles de edificaciones están alejadas de los grandes centros urbanos, lo que dificulta las tareas de inspección, mantenimiento y refuerzo.

“A pesar de que la ley obliga a que se reduzca la vulnerabilidad de edificaciones, eso no se hace rápidamente. Demanda recursos y no los hay”, dijo a CNN Gilberto Areiza, presidente de la Asociación Colombiana de Ingeniería Sísmica.

El especialista explicó que entre las cuatro categorías de emergencias, los hospitales están entre las edificiaciones indispensables para la atención de emergencia y su función no puede ser trasladada, pero las escuelas están en el siguiente nivel, la categoría tres. “Son las que debieran intervenirse prioritariamente y tener un adecuado nivel de resistencia, porque muchas van a servir como albergues. Aunque eso está en la norma, se requiere dinero para adecuarlas”, reiteró.

También, coincidió en que la problemática se acentúa con la geografía: “En los municipios pequeños, las cosas son peores”.

Un estudio publicado en la revista Structures en 2025 relevó 100 escuelas rurales de Antioquia e identificó que uno de cada siete centros estudiados tenía construcción no ingenieril.

Otra investigación en la que también participó Bonett halló que la pobreza y la geografía tienen una correlación incluso mayor que la fragilidad de las paredes o las características del terreno: las escuelas con mayor riesgo síssmico se concentran en las zonas con índices más altos de pobreza multidimensional y con problemáticas vinculadas al conflicto armado. “La capacidad de las comunidades para resistir y recuperarse de los desastres puede ser tan determinante como la propia intensidad del riesgo físico”, apuntó el estudio, realizado como parte del Proyecto de Escuelas Rurales Seguras.

“Hemos recorrido durante los últimos años cientos de escuelas rurales del país y en todas ellas, hemos podido constatar que presentan niveles importantes de deterioro aún sin haber sufrido un sismo”, dijo Bonett.

En tanto, Areiza indicó que desde el año pasado especialistas están abocados a la actualización de las normas sísmicas, que llevan 16 años sin ser revisadas, por encima de lo que considera lo adecuado, ya que afirmó que idealmente sería cada seis o siete años.

El ingeniero agregó que en las últimas semanas, a raíz del doble terremoto de junio en Venezuela, había participado en conversatorios en los que enfatizó la necesidad de inversión en hospitales y establecimientos educativos públicos.

“Los colegios son el futuro del país. No podemos darnos el lujo de tener fallecidos y que sean niños. Claro que es triste que una persona de 70 años fallezca, pero me parte el alma si muere un niño. Más si muere por un colapso en una escuela, ¿cómo podemos dormir tranquilos?”, se preguntó.

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‘Life is not rosy here’: Migrant workers in Spain’s greenhouses tell of poor pay and hardships

Almería province, Spain (CNN) — On a hot sunny summer afternoon, Amoateng Foster leans against a table in a makeshift open-air classroom in southern Spain, facing outward toward the improvised student seats. This is not an unfamiliar setting for Foster, 44, who was a math teacher in Ghana before making the perilous journey through the Sahel toward Libya, and then across the Mediterranean into Italy, finally arriving in Spain.He now lives in an informal settlement for migrants in Almería province, where he and thousands of other workers toil in seemingly countless greenhouses across the sun-baked region to produce the fruit and vegetables that sustain Europe during the winter. The conditions are harsh and the pay, for those in a more precarious situation, is terrible.“It’s not easy being here if you don’t have proper documentation,” he said, taking stock of his life in Spain. Like many across the African continent and beyond, he was drawn to Europe by the promise of a better job, a better life. But reality has not lived up to his expectations, proving immeasurably hard and degrading in many ways.“If you are outside the fence, you may think that is rosy here,” he said. “It’s not rosy here.”And the more he shows us of Don Domingo de Arriba, his current home, the more evident that becomes.Hundreds of people live alongside Foster in squalor, in a makeshift neighborhood built with whatever brick, mortar, tire or piece of plastic they could find. It’s a surreal scenario, with no official electricity supply or running water, something you wouldn’t expect to see in Europe in the 21st century.CNN has identified at least four of these settlements in the area around Níjar, northeast of the city of Almería.“Look at the environment that we live in. It’s not good, but we are managing simply because we have found ourselves here, and it’s not easy for us to go back,” Foster said.‘We are all children of god’As men, women and children flooded across the border between Morocco and Spain, into the autonomous city of Ceuta at the end of July, European populists and anti-immigrant politicians capitalized on the shocking images of human desperation. They also prompted several right-leaning governments in Europe to criticize the current Spanish government, specifically its approach to migration.There has also been growing backlash by populist politicians against charities and other organizations operating on the front line of this torrent of human suffering, with some critics accusing them of creating the conditions that attract more migrants.“All we do is help those who have nothing,” said Sister Francisca, 80, the coordinator for the local chapter of the Mercedarian Sisters of Charity, a Catholic religious community, responding to the criticism.Neither we, nor any other organization that supports immigrants, is the reason they come,” she said. “They are not looking for a piece of bread. They’re looking for a more dignified life and a job where they can fulfill themselves, where they can earn money and send it to their families.”Her organization assists recent arrivals with language lessons and skills workshops to help them find their footing in Spain. But crucially it also distributes food baskets donated by local supermarkets and charities to those most in need.“Anyone can come to our door. … The most common thing is that they ask us for is a sandwich, and they tell us they’re hungry. It’s a basic necessity,” Sister Francisca said.At the group’s food distribution center in San Isidro, her colleague, 61-year-old Sister Estella, is preparing and handing out food baskets. She checks each person’s identification details against a database — to have a sense of how frequently people are visiting the center — and then calls them one by one.“We’re very happy to do it because people really need it, to eat, to survive,” she said. “But it’s still painful to see.”On busier days, the sisters say they are able to help around 50 families. When donations are low, it’s around 20.Outside the center was 36-year-old Amal, a Moroccan mother-of-two, who left her children with her mother and sister when she came to Spain seven months ago to pick strawberries. A disagreement with her employer saw her lose her job, she said, and now she’s desperate for any kind of work.“It’s difficult. … There’s no work, no place to live, no papers. My kids are far away,” she said, holding back tears as she flicked through pictures of her children on her phone.Restoring a sense of dignity for people like Amal, whose vulnerability is why she didn’t want us to use her last name, is the main goal of Sister Francisca’s organization.“A simple gesture, a glance, reaching out. It can make a difference. It can lead to saying, ‘You’re just like me,’” the nun told CNN. “We are elderly, we are poor, but we try to raise the standard of living for these people. We are all children of God, and we all have the right to dignity and respect.”The promise of EuropeAlthough overall irregular migration numbers were down over the previous year across Europe in the first five months of this year, many continue to risk their lives to reach the continent, and some routes do show an increase.One of those is what Frontex, the European Union’s border agency, defines as the Western Mediterranean route, which includes crossings from Algeria and Morocco into southern Spain, including the region around Almería.One of those is what Frontex, the European Union’s border agency, defines as the Western Mediterranean route, which includes crossings from Algeria and Morocco into southern Spain, including the region around Almería.This area is known as Europe’s vegetable garden for the more than 3.5 million tons of fresh produce it delivers to European markets every year, enough to sustain around 500 million people, according to some estimates.“A few years ago, there were no greenhouses, and there were no immigrants either,” Sister Francisca recalled. “Now there’s plenty of work at the greenhouses. When they open, people come.”Depending on the time of the year, the greenhouses produce peppers, tomatoes, watermelons or cucumbers, among other smaller crops, across an expanse so vast they can be seen from space, earning the region another, slightly less complimentary nickname – the “Sea of Plastic.”But with demanding intermediaries and powerful supermarket chains vying to sell at the cheapest possible price, business owners in Almería say they’re forced to rely on cheap labor if they are to make any kind of profit. And that’s where immigrants like Amal or Foster come in.“They need us,” he said.Government data suggests more than 70,000 people are registered with social security as working in the agriculture business in Almería. Unions and NGOs say official numbers don’t account for the significant number of undocumented migrants who are also involved in the agriculture business. Their estimates suggest there are more than 110,000 workers, 90% of whom they believe to be foreign.Those with their paperwork in order often earn at least the minimum wage of 8 euros ($9.25) per hour, even if there are reports of exploitation. But some of those without documentation told CNN they sometimes make little more than half of that.“You work in a hot environment, you kneel down, you work continuously just like that, and they give you five euros,” Foster said. “How much can you save?”Other workers CNN spoke with shared similar figures, suggesting some business owners would go as low as four euros per hour.The government says it is trying to change the situation, not just here but across the country, introducing an amnesty program and offering nearly half a million undocumented migrants who had been in the country for at least five months, a chance to get their papers in order.Rise of the far rightThe influx of people has brought transformation to some places in the form of restaurants, shops and mosques catering to their needs. Where before Spanish was the only language, signage in Arabic and French has appeared. And despite the apparent need for that migration, the area around the city of Almería has seen a significant rise in anti-migrant sentiment. Xenophobic graffiti reading “no Muslims,” visible in some places, is an obvious expression of the tension brewing beneath the surface.It was in southern Spain’s Andalusia region, which encompasses Almería and other provinces, that Spain’s radical right-wing party Vox made its first regional gains in 2018, catapulting it to the national stage.Andalusia is one the areas of Spain with the largest percentage of foreign residents. A large portion of them end up working in the agriculture and hospitality sectors but among those coming from abroad are also retirees from northern Europe.Nearly a decade later, the populist movement has become strong, emboldened to employ an increasingly aggressive narrative towards the immigrant community in the region, especially Muslims.In the Almería suburb of La Cañada, one of Vox’s strongholds, those talking points are producing results. Earlier this year the radical right-wing party finished second in regional elections in Almería, surpassing the center-left Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) of Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez at a local level.In this quintessentially Spanish working class-neighbourhood, change has come too fast for many, even if the overall number of arrivals from North Africa is coming down and one study by independent think-tank Funcas suggests 90% of irregular migrants in Spain actually come from Latin America.“These are people who don’t want to integrate,” one resident who gave his name as Rosendo, 68, said. “I have two (working for me) but they just don’t want to.”“Let those who want to work and have papers come, and that’s it, the rest is an invasion,” said local resident Francisco, 79. “I believe it’s an invasion, but without guns.”Their remarks are familiar echoes of the far-right tropes that have taken hold not just in Spain, but also in discourse all over Europe. Across the continent, this same paradox – where certain types of migration are needed but not wanted – and the debate around it continues to play out, increasingly louder.For now, the current Spanish government is powering through that noise, refusing to reverse course on its regularisation program and defending what prime minister Sánchez says is a “sensible, fair and responsible” migration policy.“The government has seen that they need our help, that we are helping them. And they are also helping us,” Foster said. “It’s a mutual benefit.”Joe Duran contributed to this report.The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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