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Ukrainian ambassador tracks how Kyiv’s relationship with D.C. has evolved

▶ Watch Video: Trump and Zelenskyy find common ground on Russia-Ukraine war during White House meeting

Ukrainian Ambassador Olga Stefanishyna took note of what she said was an improved relationship between Ukraine and the U.S., telling reporters Thursday that the “overall dynamics” have shifted. 

In just the past six weeks, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has had two phone calls and three meetings with President Trump, including one earlier this week. Stefanishyna, who spoke at a Christian Science Monitor breakfast, credited recent personnel shuffles at the State Department and White House, saying they have “helped the process.” 

Ukraine now provides “regular updates” about its military situation and has been able to combat what she characterized as a prior, erroneous narrative that Russia was winning the war, now in its fifth year

“Ukraine should be this success case for President Trump,” Stefanishyna said, noting the dramatic turnaround in relations since the contentious Oval Office meeting with Mr. Trump and Vice President JD Vance in February 2025. She said Kyiv has also begun building a case that Ukraine is a contributor to European security.

It has shifted its approach from seeking military, “political and moral support” from the U.S. to producing concrete “deliverables” for the Trump administration, including on defense industrial cooperation and Patriot missile system production, she said. Asked about the possibility of visits to Kyiv by envoys Steve Witkoff or Jared Kushner, she confirmed it had been raised in this week’s Oval Office meeting, though she declined to provide a date. “It might happen next week, it might happen later,” she said, also indicating both planned to travel to Moscow after Ukraine. 

She said Ukraine was putting much stock in reinvigorating diplomacy in order to reach a ceasefire before, as she put it, “the deadliest winter.” 

On air defenses, Stefanishyna noted Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s presence at the Oval Office meeting and said while there had been no “firm commitments” for additional air defenses before winter, discussions are underway on long-term procurement deals and potential missile swaps with countries that already have contracts in place.

On Iran, Stefanishyna insisted Ukraine is not trying to connect the Mideast conflict with its war.

“There’s no policy line or any intention to make these processes interconnected,” she said, adding that a recent Ukrainian strike on an Iranian vessel in the Caspian Sea was “unintentional” and quickly followed by diplomatic outreach because Kyiv was “not willing to escalate the situation.”

Stefanishyna also pointed to the Russian ballistic missile that reached Poland this week as evidence that the threat from Moscow extends beyond Ukraine. “We did our best to destroy this missile … but we were not successful,” she said.

Ukraine’s long-range attacks into Russia have been a “game-changer,” she said. 

“Russians saw the missiles in places Russia [has] never seen any missiles, like for centuries,” she said. “So this has a major effect to the people because they understand that the war is something that now really relates to them.”

Stefanishyna is hopeful that Congress will enact the bill Sen. Lindsey Graham was working on when he died this month, a measure that would impose new tariffs on those who buy oil from Russia and more sanctions. She predicted that if the Graham bill were signed into law within the next two to three months, it would have “a devastating effect” on Russia and disincentivize its enablers.

Plans to produce Patriot interceptors in Ukraine are progressing, she said, with current estimates ranging from “12 months to five years” — though Ukraine believes it can accelerate that timeline. Raytheon teams have already visited Ukraine, Lockheed Martin is seeking approvals to send technical personnel, and the White House requested a roadmap for establishing the capability after Zelenskyy and Mr. Trump met in Ankara a few weeks ago, she said.

The ambassador also embraced the attention generated by conservative activist Laura Loomer’s recent trip to Ukraine, calling it “impactful” and saying she hopes it prompts more conservative influencers to visit the country. She declined to comment on any involvement by the embassy in organizing the trip and did not offer any insight into how it came about or was financed.

In a lighter moment, she said Loomer’s stop at McDonald’s in Kyiv “was my recommendation” and said Zelenskyy had “fun” during their interview. 

Stefanishyna told reporters she chose to step down amid domestic political pressures and an ongoing asset-declaration investigation, though she added that Zelenskyy did not ask her to resign and wanted her to remain because negotiations over Patriot production and military support are at a critical stage. 

Gianni Infantino is in a mire of his own making. With the threat of a European boycott, can he ride out the storm?

(CNN) — Gianni Infantino lives to fight another day – for now.Despite the continued, unprecedented backlash within and outside of FIFA to his ill-conceived and ultimately ill-fated FFE plan, the Swiss – at least on the surface – remains defiant.In any other walk of life, he’d have packed his bags. Soccer governance, though, operates in an alternative reality.Not willing to go of his accord, he clings on to power, emboldened to muddle through the biggest, self-made storm that has engulfed him and his organization in his 10-year tenure.An apologetic statement this week and commitment to not letting history repeat itself has, though, done little to placate the intensifying scrutiny of his leadership.With European soccer’s governing body, UEFA, doubling down on its threat of a boycott of FIFA competitions and battle lines being drawn up across the global footballing landscape, the question still looms: Is Infantino’s latest gambit a stay of execution, an attempted fightback or the start of a prolonged war of attrition?Fragmented landscapePrior to this summer’s World Cup, it was reported that more than 200 of the 211 national associations that make up FIFA had pledged their support to Infantino for his reelection next year.And up until this point the 56-year-old has appeared Teflon.Concerns surrounding his close ties with US President Donald Trump, outrage at exorbitant ticket prices and immigration policies at the World Cup through to still unanswered questions around the overturning of Folarin Balogun’s ban during the tournament all have been largely brushed under the carpet.The fight over the plan to sell off parts of the World Cup and other signature FIFA events to private businesses has tested that bulletproof presidency. And while there’s since been an unrelenting, concerted effort by UEFA to oust Infantino, from a loss of confidence in his leadership to the threat of legal action against him and his associates, there’s not been the united front that had been anticipated when it comes to change.UEFA commands a great deal of power and clout on and off the pitch, but it’s struggling to shake off the perception of this being another attempted European coup.Put simply, it cannot fight this battle alone.Not only does it need global support to maintain its momentum, it too needs to offer a genuine alternative to the status quo.Herein lies the problem.Power strongholdsOutside of Europe, so far only Jordan – one of a handful of countries not to have signed a letter of support for Infantino’s reelection prior to this crisis – has publicly called for Infantino’s resignation.North and Central America and Caribbean governing body CONCACAF and the Asian Football Confederation (AFC) have both criticized the FIFA president and rejected the plan.Yet several countries within both confederations have already publicly pledged their loyalty to Infantino, while some are in no rush to commit either way.In a game of fine margins, which way those nations swing could prove crucial.And it’s not just the splitting of votes within confederations where Infantino is pinning his hopes of preserving his position.Like that of his predecessors, João Havelange and Sepp Blatter, Infantino is seeking to rally his core supporters in his traditional power base of Africa.Less wealthy associations within and outside the confederation have relied heavily on FIFA funds via Infantino’s FIFA Forward program, the precursor to FFE, which was introduced by him in 2016.South America’s CONMEBOL has already said it won’t upset the apple cart as it continues its push for a 64-team World Cup in 2030.Meanwhile, the executive committee of the smallest and least wealthy regional confederation, Oceania (OFC), will meet Wednesday to discuss its approach.Numbers gameAlthough severely weakened, Infantino still has his allies and, as it stands, the belief that he has the requisite votes needed to win March’s presidential election.And, at least for now, despite the threat of revolt, internal pressure within FIFA appears to have abated.While some senior figures have spoken out, others have fallen in line.To date, Carlos Cordeiro, formerly Infantino’s senior advisor, is the only high-profile official to have quit.The ball, therefore, is in UEFA’s court as to what to do next.It has several options at its disposal but which one it takes could prove crucial in determining the trajectory of how this saga unfolds.The problem, though, is none of the routes is easily achievable.Short term it could look to initiate an Extraordinary Congress and by default a no-confidence vote in Infantino.UEFA has the numbers to trigger such an action but there’s no guarantee of success.A forcing of an emergency meeting of the FIFA Council is also an avenue but again getting the necessary support may prove too difficult.All indicators, therefore, point toward a challenger being put up to face Infantino in March’s election – the first time an election would be contested since Infantino himself succeeded the discredited Sepp Blatter in 2016.CONCACAF president Victor Montagliani is widely viewed as the most likely rival if enough votes can be generated.The Canadian, though, is yet to publicly comment on the privatization plan fallout or provide an alternative vision to that presented by Infantino.Candidates have until November 18 to put their names forward for the contest.Nuclear optionThis, though, buys Infantino time to ride out the storm, regroup and rebuild.He could offer a route for reform, open up FIFA’s cash reserves or dangle the carrot of new funding. All options are on the table.The question that could cut through all of this is whether UEFA follows through with its threat of a boycott and non-cooperation, both of which could make FIFA ungovernable for Infantino.Not satisfied by Infantino’s walkback, it is a lever that Europe can pull – albeit a dangerous one at the same time.History hasn’t always looked kindly on such a move.A first major test of UEFA’s will is whether its national teams participate in next month’s U-20 Women’s World Cup in Poland.Six nations, including the host, are set to compete although UEFA is yet to publicly confirm how it intends to navigate this.CNN has approached FIFA and Poland’s FA for comment.Time is of the essence and the hopes and dreams of players in the balance.Beyond the pitch, tetchiness from FIFA’s lucrative sponsors amid the constant negative publicity could also prove telling.For now, though, soccer’s civil war appears to be heading toward an entrenched standoff of ideas and values.And, as ever, it rests on the game’s true custodians – the fans and players – to keep the very soul of the game alive and intact.The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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