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Severely ill prisoners granted early release are left stuck behind bars

ʻAIEA, Hawai’i — Christian Alameda used a cane to push himself up out of bed in his cell at the Halawa Correctional Facility in Honolulu. He has been recovering in the prison’s medical infirmary since a January stroke left the right side of his body mostly paralyzed.

In February, Hawai’i’s parole board granted the now-52-year-old compassionate release, which allows prisoners to receive early probation to seek medical attention for severe conditions.

But without a long-term care facility willing to accept him, Alameda has not been able to leave.

As of June, at least three other prisoners granted release to tend to their medical needs were living indefinitely in the infirmary after long-term care facilities were unwilling to accept them, primarily because of their criminal backgrounds, the state parole authority said.

“This is a challenge across the country,” said Molly Crane, an attorney for FAMM, which advocates for fairness in prison policies.

Every state allows compassionate release for prisoners, though Hawaiʻi is the only one without a specific law, relying instead on an internal policy. The prisoners who typically qualify for compassionate release can’t care for themselves or have terminal illnesses and may need an assisted living center, a nursing home, or hospice.

But many long-term care facilities nationwide decline to take such prisoners, leaving them incarcerated for months — or years — after they were granted release.

In Rhode Island, a study found that rejections from nursing homes soared after they were told that a patient was coming from prison. In Colorado, prisoners with extensive medical needs on average stayed 200 days after being granted parole, because of denials from long-term care centers. And in New York, prisoners granted parole sued the state when they couldn’t get placed in nursing homes.

President Donald Trump’s signature One Big Beautiful Bill Act further strains long-term care providers’ ability to take people from incarceration. Prisoners don’t qualify for Medicaid, so parolees often need to apply after they’re granted the release. The law, enacted last summer, reduces the window in which facilities can get reimbursed retroactively for new Medicaid patients from three months to as little as 30 days before they apply. That means facilities risk not getting paid for new Medicaid patients whose applications are not submitted within the reduced timeframe.

The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services “encourages providers and beneficiaries to prioritize timely application submission to maximize coverage,” CMS spokesperson Timothy Foster said.

“Risk is just too high”

Most nursing homes nationwide already have a waiting list for new residents, according to a 2024 report by the American Health Care Association and the National Center for Assisted Living. Those waitlists are another hurdle to getting prisoners placed, said Bob Merce, a former attorney who advocates for prisoners’ compassionate release.

“We tell the nursing homes that most of the people who we are talking about cannot hurt somebody,” Merce said.

Some of the prisoners staying at the Halawa infirmary in June couldn’t walk or dress themselves. One man couldn’t recall what his illness was. Another with brain cancer couldn’t coherently respond to questions.

The Halawa Correctional Facility in Honolulu
The Halawa Correctional Facility in Honolulu is Hawai’i’s only medium-security state prison. Its infirmary has six cells where prisoners granted compassionate release often remain until they are able to get placed at a long-term care facility.

Ashley Mizuo/KFF Health News

Sean Sanada, the Oʻahu Region CEO with the Hawaiʻi Health Systems Corp., oversees the region’s two state-funded long-term care facilities, Leahi Hospital and Maluhia. Sanada said that the health system has reviewed dozens of compassionate release referrals but has never accepted any of them.

Sanada said the facilities don’t discriminate based on where the resident comes from. His main concerns, he said, were his staff’s safety and the lack of resources to adequately care for the patient.

“The risk is just too high in most of those instances,” Sanada said.

Violent incidents in long-term care facilities have been well documented. A 2024 study observing 14 assisted living facilities found that in just one month, 15% of residents experienced resident-to-resident aggression.

When long-term care facilities refuse to accept prisoners who have been granted compassionate release, it leaves state taxpayers footing a larger bill. The annual cost to incarcerate an individual in Hawai’i with complex needs is up to eight times the $112,505 average of housing one person in prison, according to FAMM. In comparison, the average Medicaid reimbursement for long-term care patients at a Hawaiʻi Health Systems Corp. facility is about $135,000 a year.

Four states — Connecticut, Georgia, Massachusetts, and Vermont — contract with nursing facilities to take prisoners who are granted compassionate release, according to FAMM.

The iCare Health Network’s MissionCare Health, which operates nursing homes for people coming out of prison, secured contracts in three of those states. David Skoczulek, iCare’s vice president of business development and communication, estimated that its rates are $100 to $350 a day more per patient than the average nursing home rates in the states where they operate.

In Hawaiʻi, the correctional department determines recommendations to send to the parole board, which decides whether to grant the release. Prisoners who are granted the early probation can be released to family members who commit to caring for them or to a long-term care facility.

Corey Reincke, head of the Hawaiʻi Paroling Authority, said that in his 24-year career he couldn’t recall getting anyone placed into a long-term care facility without family intervening, for instance by contacting facilities themselves.

“Parole has to find a facility that can meet their medical needs and is also willing to take them,” Reincke said. “That’s where we’re hitting the roadblocks.”

For one parolee, Reincke called more than 100 care homes, he said, but they all declined to accept the patient, over safety concerns. According to a 2024 state report, while Hawaiʻi’s long-term care facilities use about 80% of their bed capacity, workforce strains make it difficult to maintain even those levels.

Hawaiʻi prisoners’ refuge: family

Last year, 69-year-old Paul Kupihea died at a hospital five days after the state granted him compassionate release to his family. He died before he could get on a flight to his home island.

In July 2025, Lahela Kruse, the mother of Kupihea’s child, received a call from a Honolulu hospital informing her that his condition had become severe. By then he had been diagnosed with an incurable form of cancer and had been in and out of the hospital while still in custody.

Kruse and their daughter flew to Oʻahu to see him and were shocked when they saw how sick he was. Their daughter agreed to take him into her home in Hilo, on Hawaiʻi Island, despite not having a relationship with him for most of her life.

“She knew he was sick,” Kruse said. “I told her that, but she didn’t know the severity of it. I didn’t truly know.”

Her daughter’s willingness to take him prompted his compassionate release. But Kruse said the notification about Kupihea’s illness came too late.

FAMM’s Crane has been working on expanding compassionate release laws in states to allow for more prisoners to qualify and strengthen transparency in the process. Hawaiʻi lawmakers have tried for years to pass bills on compassionate release, but none has succeeded.

Crane said without a law that outlines a formal process and who qualifies, even family support isn’t enough. Prisoners can still face life-threatening delays, she said.

“The absence of a compassionate release statute means that people who need compassionate release languish and even die in prison,” Crane said.

In Alameda’s cell, two beds stood about 3 feet apart, with a seatless metal toilet in the corner and a window looking out on a concrete wall. The smell of bleach permeated the room. Alameda said he hoped to see his daughter soon. She recently turned 5.

“I made some mistakes in my life,” said Alameda, who has been incarcerated since 2024 for drug possession, driving a stolen vehicle, and jumping bail. “I tried when my daughter was born, but I know I’ll change, because she needs me out of here.”

Merce, the former attorney, is still trying to find a place for Alameda, who committed no violent crimes. Merce became aware of prisoners’ struggles through his work as a trial lawyer. He said he has helped about 15 prisoners leave Hawaiʻi correctional facilities for medical treatment.

He said he’s seen cases in which people have waited years to get out.

“The ones that stick with me, though,” Merce said, “are the ones that I never found placements for.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism.

‘Going it alone does not work’: America’s first one-party war

(CNN) — As President Donald Trump pleads for tens of billions of dollars to pay for the nation’s war with Iran, Democrats in Congress have offered an unequivocal — and historically unusual — message.No.Trump’s operation in Iran has now become the most partisan war in modern US history, marking the first time that one party is willing to fully reject wartime funding requests from the country’s commander-in-chief.Democrats are, for the first time in at least a century, in lockstep against a war from the start. They are refusing to support more funding. They are voting en masse to demand Trump pull troops out. They are even rejecting a broader Pentagon policy measure in protest — which includes provisions mostly unrelated to this particular war, such as one that would raise troop pay.It’s a seismic political shift from years past, when Democrats would cower from accusations of not supporting troops in the middle of a conflict. But party lawmakers contend that the American public, including Republican voters, are on their side, and that the GOP’s support for the war will be a real dividing line heading into the November election.“They absolutely own it,” a fired-up Rep. Pat Ryan of New York, who served two tours in Iraq, said of Republicans. “We’ve lost multiple additional soldiers. They’ve lied and covered up casualties. Like, what are you doing?”GOP leaders are furious, with Speaker Mike Johnson calling it “shameful” for Democrats to refuse funding for the Pentagon, especially amid concerns about depleted munitions and as the administration has sought nearly $70 billion more in emergency cash to help pay for military operations in Iran.“Democrats don’t want to play along,” Johnson said. “Why? Because they have a problem with the president, and they think they’re going to get a political advantage over this.”Democrats’ opposition is multifold. The party is generally more skeptical now of foreign entanglements and much less sympathetic to Israel, the key US partner in Iran. But the party is even more suspicious of Trump — particularly compared to the last GOP administration in wartime — and are incensed at how he’s handled nearly every part of the war in Iran. And they’re emboldened by the president’s failure to sell the conflict to the public from the beginning, setting the table for a war that is uniquely unpopular just months into the conflict, despite fierce competition for that mantle.‘Going it alone’Led by their ranks of military veterans — like Ryan, who fought in the Middle East wars of the early 2000s — Democrats are now prepared to use their limited powers in the minority to block those funding requests until Trump and congressional Republicans can present a real plan to end the war.And party leaders, like House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, plan to put those veterans at the centerpiece of their messaging going into the midterms, according to multiple sources briefed on those discussions.“We’ve got to be willing to support the troops … but there are also times when we have to say enough is enough,” added Rep. Seth Moulton, a Marine Corps veteran who was deployed four times to Iraq.“Clearly, with Trump and his losing war in Iran, Democratic veterans are saying enough is enough, and a lot of fellow Democrats are following our lead,” Moulton said.As the US has stepped up its bombings in the last two weeks and the broader conflict escalates, the politics of the Iran war have become more perilous at home. Just 29% of Americans support it, according to a recent Washington Post-Ipsos poll, and even some Republicans acknowledge there’s been virtually no attempt to convince the public, or Congress, why the war is necessary.Rep. Don Bacon, a Republican defense hawk who is retiring from politics this year, said Trump is to blame for failing to bring Democrats on board.“I don’t think the president’s done a good job trying to get bipartisan support for this. Going it alone does not work,” warned Bacon, who spent 29 years in the Air Force, including as a commander in Iraq.In the five months since the first US airstrikes killed Iranian leaders, Trump and his Pentagon leaders have said little about their plans abroad, with highly mixed messages about the overall objectives. Even in private briefings, senior lawmakers have been unable to get answers to basic questions about the Pentagon’s funding needs or strategy.“The idea that … ‘we don’t need a single Democrat,’ it’s not smart. Because in the end, we need these guys. We need to have a better defense for our country,” Bacon said.Democrats project campaign confidenceIn another mark of the dramatic political shift from after the last pair of Middle East wars, the House’s most endangered Democrats insist they aren’t worried about a barrage of GOP attacks for not supporting the troops.“I’m sure they’ll campaign that way,” Rep. Henry Cuellar, who represents a competitive district in south Texas and sits on a critical defense spending subcommittee, said of the potential GOP attacks.But, he added: “It’s very unpopular. People are tying it to the high gasoline prices. Part of it, (Trump) campaigned he was going to stop endless wars, and here we are.”Rep. Susie Lee, who represents a swing seat in Nevada, made clear she would not support the GOP’s Iran funding plan — “I’m not voting for it” — and said her biggest priority is getting information for her own active-duty constituents who are under attack overseas.“I’ve supported defense spending. I will continue to support spending and support our troops, but there’s no strategy on how this war is going to end,” she said.For Republicans in difficult races, the issue can be complicated. They’re trying to align themselves with the military but also are fully aware of voter anger about higher prices at the pump.“We have to protect America. We have to protect American troops,” said Sen. Jon Husted, a vulnerable Ohio Republican. “I want the war to end, I want the war to be over, I want gas prices to come down, but I also don’t want to weaken our military.”Sen. Susan Collins, the endangered Maine moderate locked in a tough battle for reelection, was non-committal when asked if she’d back more funds, noting that her Senate Appropriations Committee had just heard testimony from Pentagon leaders about the funding request.“Now the committee will work its will,” she said.A very different Middle East warIn 2007, at the height of the insurgency in the Iraq war, then-Speaker Nancy Pelosi helped to deliver tens of billions of dollars for the Bush administration’s two increasingly unpopular wars in the Middle East.Roughly two decades later, the former wartime speaker is clear that she will not vote to support Trump’s war in Iran in any fashion.“It has not been approved by Congress. And we don’t see a plan, a purpose, an exit strategy. That’s the sloppiest approach to our national security that I’ve ever seen,” Pelosi told CNN.Pelosi, a San Francisco liberal, had voted against authorizing Bush’s war with Iraq back in 2002. But roughly 40% of her fellow House Democrats did support it, as well as more than half of Senate Democrats, including Joe Biden, Hillary Clinton and then-Rep. Adam Schiff. That vote came after a furious pressure campaign by the Bush administration to sway lawmakers to back the operations, including public hearings, member briefings and speeches.The push to support troops in warzones at that time was so strong that Democrats repeatedly acquiesced to the Bush administration’s funding requests — even after Pelosi and her party took back the House a year prior with pledges to bring troops home.It wasn’t the first time Democrats had bowed to the pressure.Rep. Emanuel Cleaver, a senior Democrat from Missouri, recalled watching as a child as then-President Richard Nixon spent years trying to sell the public on the war with Vietnam.That sales pitch ultimately failed. But, Cleaver argued, Nixon and right-hand man Henry Kissinger at least would “come across as strategic.” Democrats in Congress continued to fund the war until the very end.With Trump’s operations in Iran, however, there has been no vote to go to war. The president has made no argument to voters or to Congress.‘Nobody likes it’And there’s dwindling support even in Trump’s own party.“I think 95% of everybody in that room in there realizes that this is a mistake, and there’s no way out,” Cleaver said, nodding toward the House chamber, where every Democrat — and a handful of Republicans — had just voted to halt Trump’s war in Iran.On his way to the House chamber that day, Cleaver walked the halls with a Republican member, whom he refused to name but said privately ranted about the war.“He was saying, ‘This is absolutely crazy.’ Nobody likes it. Even the guys who are gonna support the bill don’t want it.’ They realize that this is a quagmire,” Cleaver said.Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky is one of the few Republicans who will say it out loud.“The Iran war has not been a success. I’ve been opposed to the Iran war from the beginning,” Paul said. “I think, by any objective matter, we’re worse off, we’re measurably worse off than we were before the war.”Asked if Republicans would suffer backlash at the polls come November, Paul deadpanned.“Probably,” he said.The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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