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Pentagon proposes new secrecy power to withhold unclassified records from FOIA

Washington — The Pentagon is asking Congress for broad new authority to withhold unclassified records from the public, a proposal that transparency advocates say could significantly reduce the public’s ability to scrutinize the nation’s largest federal agency and understand how billions of taxpayer dollars are spent. 

The legislative proposal seeks to create a new section of federal law allowing the defense secretary to exempt certain “controlled unclassified information,” or CUI, from disclosure under the Freedom of Information Act if the U.S. military determines the records concern national defense vulnerabilities and concludes that the harm from disclosure outweighs the public interest. 

Brett Max Kaufman, senior counsel with American Civil Liberties Union’s Center for Democracy, told CBS News in an email that for decades, there has been “a massive overclassification problem throughout the executive branch.” 

“The last thing the government needs is a new power to withhold information under the FOIA,” Kaufman wrote. 

Controlled Unclassified Information was established under an executive order during the Obama administration to replace dozens of inconsistent “For Official Use Only” markings that agencies had developed over decades. 

The CUI system was designed to standardize how agencies safeguard sensitive but unclassified information. Importantly, CUI itself does not create authority to withhold records from the public. 

The National Archives, which oversees the government’s CUI program, has repeatedly emphasized that designation as CUI does not affect whether records may be  released under the Freedom of Information Act. Agencies like the Defense Department must still rely on one of FOIA’s nine statutory exemptions to prevent the public disclosure of documents. 

The Pentagon proposal would fundamentally change that relationship. Instead of treating CUI as an administrative marking, it would allow the Defense Department to use it as one of the central predicates for withholding records altogether. 

Greg Williams, the director of the Center for Defense Information at the D.C. watchdog Project on Government Oversight, called the proposal “a significant concern” in an interview with CBS News. He said it would make receiving information through the FOIA process “a lot more difficult.” 

“Controlled unclassified information is already very problematic because it’s not very carefully defined and it’s used to protect lots of different kinds of information,” Williams said, adding that when he was a contractor, the general guidance was, “when in doubt, mark it as CUI.” 

The Freedom of Information Act, enacted in 1966, was designed to reverse the presumption of government secrecy by requiring federal agencies to disclose records unless they fall within one of the nine narrowly drawn exemptions. Congress has repeatedly amended the law to reinforce that principle, most recently through the FOIA Improvement Act of 2016, which strengthened the presumption of openness by requiring agencies to demonstrate a concrete — not speculative — foreseeable harm before withholding many records.

The Pentagon’s proposal, which was sent to Congress in late June for potential inclusion in legislation this year, comes amid a broader shift in how it has managed information under Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. Over the past year, the department has imposed new restrictions on reporters’ access and movement inside the Pentagon, requiring official escorts for areas that credentialed journalists had long accessed on their own. 

The New York Times has filed lawsuits challenging the Pentagon policy that required reporters accessing the Pentagon to sign an agreement that could restrict information-seeking and the Pentagon’s journalist-escort policy. Federal judges ruled in favor of the New York Times, citing the First Amendment, but the Pentagon has appealed in both cases. 

Pentagon officials describe the legislative proposal as an effort to better protect sensitive military information from foreign adversaries. The measure would mark a notable expansion of the department’s ability to keep unclassified records from public view. It would also allow the Defense Department to block state and local governments from releasing covered records under their own open records laws, extending the Pentagon’s control over information even after it leaves federal custody. 

In a statement, acting Pentagon press secretary Joe Valdez said, “The legislative proposal seeks a statutory FOIA exemption for certain CUI that implicates national security interests to provide more uniform protection and more consistent withholding decisions for such information.” 

The Pentagon’s proposal does not explain why existing FOIA exemptions are insufficient and claims there’s a gap in existing law to protect sensitive documents. 

But much of the information the Pentagon says it is trying to protect is already shielded under existing law. Export-controlled technologies, protected critical infrastructure information, certain nuclear records, procurement-sensitive data and intelligence-related information are all covered by statutes or regulations that agencies already rely on to withhold records under FOIA. 

Congress receives several legislative proposals each year after the Office of Management and Budget submits a budget request, but it’s unclear if this one will be included, since both the House and the Senate have already done their markups of the annual defense policy bill.

This is not the first time the Pentagon has sought language to adjust FOIA. For instance, a draft version of the annual defense policy bill in 2017 included language to withhold information “on military tactics, techniques, and procedures, and of military rules of engagements.” It prompted a coalition of oversight organizations to write to Congress opposing it. 

Inside Defense first reported on the latest legislative proposal. If adopted, the legislation would become part of a FOIA system that has long suffered from chronic delays. The Defense Department’s backlog of FOIA requests has been growing. The most recent annual Pentagon FOIA report said that at the end of the 2025 fiscal year, there were 30,476 backlogged requests, a 42% increase from 2024. 

The growing backlog reflects a FOIA system that has struggled to keep pace with the size and complexity of the modern federal government. Although FOIA requires agencies to respond within 20 working days in most cases, requests can remain pending for months or years, forcing petitioners to enter into costly litigation to compel agencies to act. By the time records are ultimately released, the public debate has often passed, undermining FOIA’s central purpose of providing timely public oversight of government decision-making.

Williams told CBS News the proposal on its face is unnecessary because there’s already a system for classifying sensitive national security information.  

“Ask yourself, you know, if you’re going to mark something as ‘controlled unclassified information’ for national security concerns, why wouldn’t you classify it?” Williams said. 

The US Navy’s plan for almost 20 guided-missile subs and why that will matter around China

(CNN) — The US Navy this week announced a “pivotal shift” in its future submarine force, and it’s a move analysts say provides important insights into how Washington would fight any possible conflict in the Pacific, where China is rapidly building up its forces.The Pentagon announced that 19 planned nuclear-powered Virginia-class attack submarines (SSNs) would now be classified as guided-missile submarines (SSGNs) and fitted with the Virginia Payload Module (VPM), an 84-foot-long section which adds 28 missile-launch cells to the 12 on current versions of these subs.Those cells can be loaded with Tomahawk land-attack missiles as well as hypersonic vehicles. Combined with the stealthy abilities of submarines, this will provide the new boats with a crucial ability to get inside China’s missile defenses, analysts say.“Submarines are one of the few capabilities which can loiter forward, near or within the first island chain in relative safety,” said Sidharth Kaushal, senior fellow at the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) in London, referring to the string of islands from Japan southward through Taiwan and the Philippines, inside of which Beijing can bring the most firepower to bear.“Second, hypersonic missiles represent a capability against which US adversaries – which otherwise enjoy robust air defenses – have more limited defenses,” Kaushal said. And getting the high-speed, maneuverable missiles closer to their targets strains adversary reaction time.Key strike platforms being retiredThe details of the new sub plan come at a critical time for the Navy.This year it is beginning to retire its four Ohio-class guided-missile subs. Those boats were converted to SSGNs 20 years ago from their nuclear deterrent role as ballistic-missile subs, or boomers, after the US and Russia reduced their nuclear forces with the 1993 START II treaty.Once armed with nuclear-tipped Trident ballistic missiles, the four reconfigured Ohio-class subs can carry up to 154 Tomahawks each, and have been prized assets for deterrence and combat missions around the globe.Speaking to CNN in 2021, Bradley Martin, a former Navy captain turned naval researcher at the RAND Corp think tank, called the Ohio-class SSGNs “the platform with the single largest ability to deliver conventional missile payloads.”During the 2025 Operation Midnight Hammer strikes on Iranian nuclear sites, an Ohio-class boat was called upon to augment B-2 bomber strikes.But one of the four Ohio-class SSGNs, the USS Georgia, began its deactivation process last month and the other three are scheduled to do the same over the next several years.Retirement of those boats will reduce the Navy’s undersea strike capability by up to 60%, according to the Washington, DC-based Submarine Industrial Base Council.The first of the Virginia-class SSGNs are not scheduled to join the fleet until 2029, so the Navy is likely to see a shrinkage in its missile strike capabilities in the meantime. The last of the new subs isn’t due to join the fleet until 2038.Current inventory includes at least 24 smaller versions of the Virginia class as well as around 20 older Los Angeles-class subs and three specialized Seawolf-class boats, so the Navy is not without conventional sub-launched missile capability.In the long run, leaders are confident the 19 new boats will prove suitable replacements for the Ohios.“These VPM-equipped SSGNs will ensure the Navy continues to dominate the undersea domain for decades to come. By integrating this additional payload capacity, we will have the ability to surge strike power to assure our allies, deter aggression, outmatch any adversary,” Vice Adm. Rob Gaucher, director of submarine programs, said in a statement.“Georgia and her sister ships proved the enduring value of combining undersea stealth with unmatched clandestine strike capability,” the chief of naval operations, Adm. Daryl Caudle, said.“The next generation of Virginia-class SSGNs builds on that legacy with greater survivability, adaptability, and sustained combat power,” Caudle added.Not a one-for-one swapAnalysts caution that the move from the Ohio class to the Virginia class is not a one-for-one trade, as a single Virginia-class sub will carry only about 26% of the missiles of an Ohio-class one. That means it will take four future boats to equal the firepower of one currently.Analyst Bryan Clark, a Hudson Institute senior fellow and former Navy officer, notes another key difference between the two – the Ohio class has two rotating crews while the Virgina class has only one, meaning the former could spend twice as long actually on patrol.But being able to disperse missiles over a greater number of platforms has its advantages, says Alessio Patalano, professor of war and strategy at King’s College, London.“They expand the number of platforms that can bring the fight deep into an enemy’s territory, and as such opponents will have to contend with more assets they have to track, or at least try to,” Patalano said.It’s a key point in any possible conflict over Taiwan, the democratically governed island that the Chinese Communist Party claims as sovereign territory despite never having controlled it.China has been in the midst of an aggressive submarine-building program in recent years.According to a February report from the International Institute for Strategic Studies, the PLA Navy ramped up its production of nuclear-powered submarines over the past five years to the point where it is launching subs faster than the US, threatening to negate a sea-power advantage that has long belonged to Washington.From 2021 to 2025, China’s submarine building surpassed that of the US in both numbers of subs launched – 10 to 7 – and tonnage – 79,000 to 55,500, says the report.In an attack sub configuration, that’s more hunters of US subs in regional waters.Beijing has been rapidly building its missile forces, too.In December 2024, the Pentagon estimated that China’s rocket force had boosted its missile supply by 50% in the preceding four years.The People’s Liberation Army wants “to set the conditions for the invasion of Taiwan,” Decker Eveleth, an associate research analyst at the non-profit national security group CNA and an expert on China’s missile forces, told CNN last year. “So that’s shooting at ports, shooting at helicopter bases, shooting at supply bases … shooting at anything that can theoretically let you bring support to Taiwan.”“They want to destroy things in theater and keep everything else out,” Eveleth said.This buildup comes at a time when the US military’s own munitions stockpiles have seen significant depletion since President Donald Trump’s decision to join Israel and bomb Iran.Close-in operationsAnalysts said the new Virginia-class subs help negate China’s missile advantage, especially in the early days of any conflict.US subs that can get inside that first island chain would be in prime position to take out radars and command posts that would be coordinating defenses and helping Chinese missile targeting, analysts said.That could “degrade an adversary’s anti-surface capabilities to a level sufficient to enable other platforms such as surface ships to be moved forward at less risk, thus setting the conditions for aircraft carriers to provide follow-on strikes,” RUSI’s Kaushal said.Hypersonic launch capabilities enhance the new Virginia class further, analysts said, noting that testing of a hypersonic glide vehicle is well underway.They help give the newest Virginia class “a genuine uplift in the strike function,” said Patalano at King’s College.“That’s what gives an adversary an extra moment of pause,” he said.What can’t be forgotten, however, is that China won’t be standing still.At a military parade in Beijing last fall, China showed off a dizzying amount of new missiles, including a range of hypersonic vehicles, that many analysts say put the PLA at the forefront of that technology.Also in the parade ranks were new uncrewed submersible vehicles – underwater drones, stealthy in their own right, that could pose a threat to any of Beijing’s adversaries.The realities of that are surely obvious to the US Navy. But its leadership retains confidence in an area where it has been unmatched since World War II.“Armed with state-of-the-art sensors, unmatched stealth, and advanced automation, these reclassified SSGNs will operate with impunity in contested waters, ensuring the United States Navy maintains absolute undersea supremacy,” a Navy statement said.The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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