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DOJ tests limits of never-before-used court to deport suspected terrorist

▶ Watch Video: Details on first case in Alien Terrorist Removal Court

The Justice Department is now attempting to use a decades-old, secretive federal immigration court that has never been used in a test case that could allow it to expedite the deportation of suspected “alien terrorists.”

The Alien Terrorist Removal Court was created by Congress in 1996 and signed into law by President Bill Clinton. It was set up to deport noncitizens who could not be removed by the traditional legal process because the information about their cases was classified and could not be made public for national security reasons.

The targets of noncitizen terrorist removal proceedings — including legal permanent residents — are not permitted to review the classified evidence against them, and unlike criminal proceedings, they are barred from legally challenging how the evidence was collected by the government. 

Only the attorney general may approve “alien terrorist” removal applications by law, and one of five federal judges appointed to the Alien Terrorist Removal Court by the chief justice of the Supreme Court must decide whether to approve or deny the request. If the judge denies an application, the government can appeal to the Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit. 

The Justice Department must show probable cause that the defendant is a noncitizen who meets the legal definition of an “alien terrorist” and poses a national security threat. Such filings are made largely under seal and are reviewed only by the judge and the government.

The defendant can hire an attorney, and if the person is a green card holder, the government can appoint an attorney with a security clearance. 

But it’s been a “zombie” court — it has existed solely on paper. That changed on July 15 when the Justice Department filed its first application seeking removal of an “alien terrorist.”  

The application, which was first reported by the independent news organization Court Watch, is almost entirely classified, and was filed before an official court website even existed. 

The filing came on the same day Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche appeared before the Senate Judiciary Committee for his confirmation hearing to serve as attorney general. 

The application was not made public until several days later when a new website for the court first went live, so lawmakers were unable to question him publicly about the Justice Department’s decision to use the Alien Terrorist Removal Court.

A federal judge assigned to the court has since asked the department for more information to support its removal request, but the details of the case remain a mystery. If the government’s application is approved, however, the court will be required to hold a public removal hearing.

“It’s a precedent that no president has wanted to set,” said Eric Lee, an immigration attorney with the law firm Lee & Godshall-Bennett.

“If the executive branch can detain someone with full constitutional rights who’s in the United States, based on secret evidence and arguments that they’re not allowed to hear, and evidence that might have been acquired through completely illegal means, those are Rubicons that have not been crossed in this country’s history,” he said. 

The Justice Department declined to provide details about the case, noting it was entirely sealed, but a spokesperson said the department “will use every tool available to bring alien terrorists to justice and remove them from the United States, including this court established by Congress in 1996.”

The decision to pursue a new and untested legal pathway for removal proceedings marks the latest move in a series of actions to carry out President Trump’s anti-immigration policies.

The administration has formally designated known drug cartels and criminal gangs as foreign terrorist organizations, a label that can make it easier for the government to seek expedited removal proceedings.

Last year, the Justice Department tried a different approach to expediting removals for suspected terrorists, invoking the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 to try to deport suspected members of the Venezuelan criminal group known as Tren de Aragua.

It ran into some pushback when Chief Judge James Boasberg of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia opined that the best forum for addressing removal cases involving sensitive national security matters was the Alien Terrorist Removal Court.

The court has never been utilized by the government, but its structure is similar to one that is heavily used: the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court. This is the court that reviews applications for surveillance warrants and other national security investigative actions.

All five of the judges appointed to the Alien Terrorist Removal Court are also serving on the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court.

Although the evidentiary standards are significantly lower in comparison with the criminal justice system, some legal experts say that the judicial scrutiny that the Justice Department’s applications would receive may help counterbalance some of those concerns.

“This is an Article III court created by statute for a special purpose. It is the highest standard of due process balancing,” said Aram Gavoor, a former national security attorney at the Civil Division who previously published an article on the history of the Alien Terrorist Removal Court.

He said that concern about the lack of publicly available evidence regarding noncitizens targeted by the government “is counterbalanced by a cohort of the most serious judges we have on the bench.” 

“They are not going to cut corners at all,” Gavoor said.

Some of that judicial counterbalancing is already beginning to show in the pending case.

Joan Ericksen, the chief judge for the Alien Terrorist Removal Court who is based in federal court in Minnesota, already responded to the Justice Department’s removal application. She said she needs more information.

After a sealed July 16 hearing, she wrote that the court “had questions about the nexus that the government alleges between the actions of the respondent and the specific sections and subsections it invokes with respect to those actions.” Ericksen asked the Justice Department to supplement the record.

It was not immediately apparent why the Justice Department has chosen to try to use the Alien Terrorist Removal Court for the first time now.

But efforts to find a test case in the past have failed, said Jeff Breinholt, a former Justice Department attorney who served as the counterterrorism deputy chief.

After the Alien Terrorist Removal Court was created by Congress during the Clinton administration, Breinholt served on a task force that helped look for a test case that the Justice Department could try filing with the court.

He said he ran into challenges. The FBI, for example, wanted its targets of criminal investigation to be prosecuted, not just deported. 

“We traveled around the country, and consistently got shut out by the FBI. They didn’t want to share their files. They didn’t want to give up one of their targets to be removed,” he recalled. 

He also ran into concerns from senior DOJ officials who did not feel comfortable having then-Attorney General Janet Reno certify that the removal proceedings could not be brought through the conventional immigration courts. 

At one point, he located a case in Florida and spent three months writing a memo to get it considered. But it went nowhere, and the defendant was eventually convicted.

“I felt after I wrote that memo and it got sort of tied up in the bureaucracy that there was no way this court would ever get off the ground,” he said.

He added that even if the Justice Department is successful with its test case and obtains permission from the court to deport the person, there is still a chance that the person’s home country could refuse to accept them.

“We’ve labeled them effectively as a terrorist, either through the immigration proceedings or the criminal proceedings,” he said. “No country wants to take terrorists.”

‘Decades in Sports’: How the 1980s Miami Hurricanes became one of the most hated teams in sports history

(CNN) — Editor’s note: Watch CNN Original Series “Decades in Sports” on the CNN app. Across six episodes, the series explores the defining moments, athletes and cultural shifts that shaped sports over the past six decades, from the television revolution and Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, right up to the impact of social media on today’s biggest stars.There have been plenty of dominant teams in the 150-plus-year history of college football, but few have left a bigger mark on the sport than the Miami Hurricanes did during the 1980s.The Canes were a team that went against the grain, trash-talking in a way that constantly got under their opponents’ skin, celebrating wildly after big plays and dancing in the end zone after touchdowns with a swagger that stood out as much as their bright orange jerseys.“That made them such a phenomenon,” says John U. Bacon, author of Fourth and Long: The Fight for the Soul of College Football, as the Hurricanes’ bold, brash and arrogant style transformed college football into something closer to theater.As Bacon also highlights in the series, “The Hurricanes were the bad boys of college football.” However, their impact was felt far beyond the gridiron, as the 1986 squad was even labeled the most hated team of all time by Sports Illustrated.For context, the 25-team list devised by Sports Illustrated featured some of the most polarizing teams in US sports history, such as the 1988-89 Detroit Pistons (widely known as the “Bad Boys”), the 2010-11 Miami Heat (universally recognized as the team that kickstarted the “superteam” era in the NBA) and the 2007 New England Patriots (who became the ultimate villains of the NFL after the infamous “Spygate” scandal.But it was this college football program which topped them all. As Bacon says, “They were more popular in Miami than the Dolphins, and the Dolphins had (1984 NFL MVP) Dan Marino.”Why Miami was so hatedThe Canes’ boisterous antics were not just empty calories – they backed it up when they stepped onto the field.Like many polarizing sports teams throughout history, Miami garnered attention because it won. Winning made the Hurricanes easy to root against, but also impossible to ignore.However, what truly set them apart is how they embraced the role of the villain.Before facing defending national champion and top-ranked Oklahoma in September 1986 in front of over 70,000 fans at the Orange Bowl, the Hurricanes famously defied protocol and refused to shake hands with the Sooners, sparking a heated exchange between the top two teams right in front of the TV cameras.Game officials intervened and even threatened to throw a penalty flag if Miami snubbed the pre-game handshake. But the Hurricanes didn’t budge and backed up their pre-game antics by beating the Sooners 28-16.Their “style ruffled a lot of feathers,” says Dr. Todd Boyd, Professor of Cinema and Music Studies at USC. But the more people disliked Miami, the more the team seemed to embrace it.Later that same season, they took it a step further.When landing in Tempe, Arizona, for the 1987 Fiesta Bowl against Penn State, which served as the national championship game, the Hurricanes famously stepped off their plane wearing full camouflage military fatigues in an attempt to intimidate the Nittany Lions.It didn’t work on that occasion, as Miami fell 14-10 in the title game. But the following year, the “Bad Boy” Hurricanes came out on top, going unbeaten and taking down the Oklahoma Sooners – again – 20-14 to win the national championship.As Van Lathan – journalist and podcaster at The Ringer – says in the series, “The 80s were an anti-hero decade.”Lathan went on to highlight that, during that time, “We are re-examining what is OK in the name of coming out on top. This is a post-Watergate America … and whatever it takes, we are going to win.”No one embodied that shift more than this group from South Florida: It was win by any means necessary.As sports journalist and podcaster Bomani Jones highlights: “It became the dominant culture of the sport.”However, none of this would have been possible without a coach who not only allowed his players the space to go about their business in such a controversial manner, but one who encouraged the brash and boisterous behavior they took to stadiums across the country: Jimmy Johnson.The Jimmy Johnson effectWhen Johnson arrived in South Florida in 1984, he had pretty big shoes to fill.Howard Schnellenberger – who helped build Miami’s college football program into one of the elite programs over five seasons – had just departed after leading the Hurricanes to their first national championship, upsetting the unbeaten, top-ranked Nebraska Cornhuskers 31-30 at the Orange Bowl.However, despite Schnellenberger being the original architect of Miami’s success, it was under Johnson that the Hurricanes truly peaked.After going 18-7 in his first two seasons, Miami went 34-2 in his final three, winning the national championship in 1987 and narrowly losing one 14-10 to Penn State in 1986 after Johnson led the Hurricanes to the first undefeated regular season in program history.But it was the culture Johnson cultivated in South Florida that made his tenure so memorable.There was a shift happening in sports in the 1980s, with players becoming more brash and expressive. It is something that is celebrated today but was highly frowned upon at the time.Johnson’s genius was not only in recognizing that shift, but also in allowing his players to be their authentic selves out on the field, because as Jones highlights in the series: “The Florida boys are different, (and) they have a really good time when they play their football.“Normally, when you get a lot of players who like to dance when they score a touchdown and like to talk a bunch of sh*t when they play, you have a coach who is trying to tamp that down and get them to behave a little bit more respectably…“Jimmy Johnson loved it! He loved it as much as they did. He’s like, ‘As long as we win, you can do whatever you want.’”On its face, it sounds simple, but it was highly effective and it was an era that redefined what a college football powerhouse could look like. They were rough around the edges, bold, brash and arrogant – but that’s what made them who they were.Better to be remembered for something than not remembered at all. And no one will forget the 1980s Miami Hurricanes, the “Bad Boys of college football.”The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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