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Black voters may decide the nation’s biggest Democratic primary. Many are clearly against the more progressive option

Pontiac, Michigan (CNN) — Larry Nix pulled into a cookout hosted by Abdul El-Sayed’s campaign on Sunday, rolled down his window and told the progressive Senate candidate he needed answers.

Nix, a 63-year-old Army veteran, shares some of El-Sayed’s concerns with the direction of the country. He’s furious at how high the war in Iran has driven up the price of gas for his Ford Expedition, and he thinks Democratic leaders in Washington are “getting a little soft” when it comes to taking on President Donald Trump.

But El-Sayed’s more moderate opponent in the August 4 primary, four-term Rep. Haley Stevens, has come to Nix’s house during previous congressional campaigns, spoken with him and put a sign in his yard. “That’s my girl,” he told CNN.

Nix had also seen the barrage of television advertisements portraying El-Sayed as disparaging toward women, highlighting his past criticism of former first lady Michelle Obama’s anti-obesity initiative. “I’m a big pro-Obama person and you’re dogging his wife,” Nix said of his concerns. He told El-Sayed he wanted to know “what the hell is going on.”

The battle over the direction of the Democratic Party is being waged in conversations like this one, in a parking lot in Pontiac where El-Sayed’s campaign was hosting a get-out-the-vote gathering after he visited Black churches in the area.

The 41-year-old son of Egyptian immigrants is seeking to deliver the party’s progressive insurgency its biggest win yet in the Michigan Senate primary. But he is running into resistance among Black voters, many of whom say the establishment he eschews has delivered for them in important ways.

El-Sayed, a former public health official, told Nix the same thing he’d told about 40 attendees at New Bethel Baptist Church minutes earlier: The ads were a distortion of previous comments he’d made about Michelle Obama, Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer and more, and an example of why he was running to get big money — including that of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, which has spent millions on ads opposing El-Sayed — out of politics.

“He opened my mind,” Nix said of El-Sayed. “I’m going to go home and do my research, and then I’m going to decide if he switched me over.”

But El-Sayed may still have an uphill battle ahead of him. Dozens of interviews across the Detroit metropolitan area over the first weekend of early voting revealed the skepticism he faces among Black voters like Nix.

The Senate primary has emerged as this year’s most important test of the party’s ideological gulf — with El-Sayed and Stevens, the favorite of the Democratic establishment in Washington and in Michigan, squaring off in a race that is both critical to Democrats’ hopes of claiming a Senate majority in November, and an early preview of the battles to come in the 2028 presidential primary.

Black voters make up about one-fifth of the state’s Democratic primary electorate, and they have a history of overwhelmingly backing the more moderate candidate in similar ideological battles in Michigan. Hillary Clinton bested Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders by about 40 percentage points among Black voters in the state’s 2016 presidential primary, exit polls showed, and Joe Biden racked up a similar margin in 2020 against the progressive stalwart.

Sanders’ weakness with Black voters was the obstacle he never overcame, although he narrowly defeated Clinton in Michigan in 2016 while losing to Biden in 2020.

Now, those voters are once again a focal point in the primary’s closing stretch, as El-Sayed seeks to chip into Stevens’ advantage and Stevens looks to run up a big enough margin to overcome El-Sayed’s edge among White progressive voters.

Some of the skepticism El-Sayed faces is fueled by the negative advertisements like those Nix highlighted. But he’s also hampered by lingering resentment from prominent Black Democrats who view his initial support for the “uncommitted” movement in the state’s 2024 presidential primary as ultimately helping President Donald Trump win Michigan that November and who worry about his campaign’s focus on opposing US support for Israel.

Other voters said Stevens, a White woman, has been an extremely active presence in their communities since being elected to Congress in the Democratic wave of 2018. More pointed to her role working on President Barack Obama’s task force that rescued the automotive industry — the economic driver of southeastern Michigan.

At the Soul Day Festival at Northwestern High School in Detroit, which Stevens attended on Saturday, it was the portion of her biography that voters were most familiar with — and an example of the achievements of a Democratic establishment that El-Sayed has cast as a failure.

“She was on the team that helped save our state when Obama was president. She was right there on the forefront,” said Kathie House Vinson, a retired college administrator who lives in Detroit.

“I think in my heart of hearts that (El-Sayed) is a good candidate,” she said, “but Haley has the track record, and I know what she’s done for me.”

A proving ground for progressives

For the Democratic Party’s ascendant progressive insurgency, Michigan is a proving ground — a perennial presidential battleground where the stakes are much higher than the handful of House primaries in deep-blue districts where progressive challengers have ousted incumbents this year.

The winner of next’s month Senate primary will take on Republican former Rep. Mike Rogers in the race to replace retiring Democratic Sen. Gary Peters. For Democrats, retaining the seat is crucial to the party’s hopes of the net four-seat gain they’d need in November to win the Senate majority.

Leaders of the progressive movement, including Sanders and New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, have lined up behind El-Sayed. The more moderate establishment, including Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, a slew of top current and former elected officials in Michigan, the Congressional Black Caucus’ political action committee and influential South Carolina Rep. Jim Clyburn, are supporting Stevens.

Stevens, when asked about her Black support, pointed to her efforts to secure investments in infrastructure and Black-owned businesses, as well as support for Michigan’s manufacturing sector.

“My campaign approach is to campaign like I govern, and govern like I campaign. To show up, to be trusted, to listen, to hear from folks, and then to lead for them,” Stevens told reporters Saturday at the Soul Day Festival in Detroit.

El-Sayed, who boasts his own long list of Black supporters, told reporters Sunday that Stevens’ advantage among Black voters comes down to ad spending.

“It’s what $60 million in advertising does,” he said after a church visit. “There’s a reason they spend that money. … Sixty million dollars is what you need to move a message that does not really offer anything to anyone unless you’re a corporate PAC or AIPAC.”

Outside groups have committed about $51 million to running ads boosting Stevens or attacking El-Sayed, including $30 million from the United Democracy Project, the AIPAC-aligned super PAC, according to AdImpact data.

For some Black voters who to CNN, the ideological schism is a major factor.

Demetria Card, a 68-year-old Pontiac housewife, said she is “not progressive really at all,” and thinks Stevens is “the voice of the people.”

Most, though, downplayed the role ideology is playing in their primary votes.

Card’s daughter, 45-year-old Natasha Bartley, an information technology student in Novi, said she is backing Stevens because she’s consistently shown up for her community.

“This won’t be the first day she’s been somewhere that we’ve been,” she said. “You know, she seems approachable. I talked to her. She seems like she’s honest. You know, doesn’t look like she’s hiding anything, and I like that.”

Likewise, Rex Close, a 54-year-old HVAC technician in Pontiac, said he voted for El-Sayed because he’s “an honest guy.”

“I listen to everything he’s saying, what he’s going to do, and I believe him,” Close said.

Lingering resentment over ‘Uncommitted’ movement

But in conversations with prominent Black leaders from Michigan about the state’s Democratic Senate primary, a recurring complaint came up: El-Sayed’s support for “uncommitted” in 2024.

The pro-Palestinian protest movement was a critical factor in Michigan, with its large Arab immigrant community, as opponents of the war in Gaza voted “uncommitted” on Democratic presidential primary ballots to register their dissatisfaction with Biden’s steadfast support for Israel.

El-Sayed, a prominent Arab American then serving as director of the Wayne County Department of Health, publicly backed “uncommitted,” which garnered more than 100,000 votes in the state.

While Biden ultimately withdrew and the party attempted to rally around former Vice President Kamala Harris, Black leaders in Michigan who spoke to CNN in recent weeks remain convinced the effort did lasting damage to the Democratic presidential ticket’s chances that year.

“Many people believe that he was a part of that. And had Kamala Harris been elected, we would not be in the mess we’re in right now. Gaza would not be what Gaza is right now,” said Rev. Dr. Anthony Wendell of Fellowship Chapel, the president of the Detroit chapter of the NAACP and a Stevens supporter.

Though El-Sayed ultimately endorsed Harris, and encouraged his followers to vote for her, his critics argue it was too little, too late. As he runs for US Senate with an ongoing focus on US policy toward Israel, doubts also linger about El-Sayed’s priorities.

“The question is now: Are you going to be more concerned about the West Bank than the West Side of Detroit?” Anthony asked.

Remarks from a Farmington school board member Angie Smith also made waves over the weekend, when she told local reporter Sam Robinson that she was backing Stevens because she believed the congresswoman would represent all races.

“We need someone that can represent all of us. Not just one race, but all races,” she said in a clip that circulated online. “You have to know how to work the room. Don’t come out speaking only Arabic. Don’t come out with your Arabic music on. Represent everyone.”

Stevens’ camp denounced Smith’s comments.

“Haley disagrees with and disavows this comment. Her campaign is about bringing Michiganders together, not dividing them,” spokesperson Arik Wolk said in a statement.

El-Sayed’s campaign is working to address those critiques. His campaign launched a new TV ad, touting his role as “the first Muslim American leader to endorse Kamala Harris for president.”

Whether it’s enough to overcome enduring skepticism is an open question.

“The bottom line is, he’s been a little cute with that. He was with the ‘uncommitted’ during the primaries when it was convenient,” said Keith Williams, the chairman of the Michigan Democratic Party Black Caucus who is backing the congresswoman. “He was a part of the movement in the beginning. So to me, you can’t have your cake and eat it too.”

Darius Jones, the founder and president of the National Black Empowerment Action Fund, said El-Sayed is “going to continuously have work to do to repair that breach.”

“It definitely didn’t do anything to benefit people from my community in the Midwest,” he said. “And I think this was a situation where the political judgment of people who were in the leadership of that movement should be called into question, and Black folks have real questions around that strategy.”

Other Black Democratic leaders in Michigan said they don’t think the “uncommitted” movement will play a major role in the outcome on August 4.

Virgie Rollins, the Democratic National Committee’s Black Caucus chair and a Michigan power broker who has not endorsed in the Senate race, pointed to El-Sayed’s ultimate support for Harris.

“I had 50 Arab leaders in my house, and he came in to talk. He talked to them in order to support Kamala,” she said. “I don’t see a big issue with uncommitted with Abdul. I think it’s an issue, but it’s not a big issue.”

She added: “If he wins the nomination, everybody will be behind him, 100%. I can guarantee that.”

Wayne County Commissioner Martha Scott, who appeared in a pro-El Sayed ad, also downplayed the role any lingering resentments over the “uncommitted” movement will play but acknowledged the 2024 loss is “on all of our minds.”

“You know, we just keep working at it and hope things change for the better for people,” Scott said.

Stevens’ personal connections

Online, Stevens’ heavy Michigan accent — on display in a recent viral clip in which she told a crowd she was campaigning with “a little bit of stick it to ‘em” — often is the target of mockery. In person, though, it plays much differently.

The word Black voters most frequently used to describe Stevens in interviews with CNN was “fighter.” Those who had met her said she came across as more genuine than most politicians.

“I vibe with her,” said Kelly Garrett, the former mayor of Lathrup Village, just northwest of Detroit, shortly after a Stevens rally in Detroit Friday night attended by Whitmer and Clyburn.

Garrett said she got to know Stevens when the congresswoman called her after Garrett’s 21-year-old son died from sickle cell anemia in 2021. About a month later, she said she was surprised when she received a package from Stevens’ office containing a flag that flew over the US Capitol.

The two have become close since, and Garrett — who spoke to CNN minutes after electrifying the crowd at the rally — said they often talk when Stevens “needs to be pumped up.”

“The person you saw on stage is the person you see at home, and is the person you see out. That’s who Haley is. There is no different person,” Garrett said. “And if she sounds like she has a twang, I’m down with it.”

In Detroit and Pontiac, many people — including those who are not active in politics — said they’d met Stevens not just once, but several times.

At El-Sayed’s gathering Sunday in Pontiac, an elderly woman who asked not to be named said she appreciated that El-Sayed showed up, but said she’d met Stevens four times over nearly a decade, and that the congresswoman had been to her apartment complex.

At the Soul Day Festival, Anita Moncrease, a 70-year-old retired physician in Southfield, said she’d met Stevens in Washington during a group trip to discuss health care issues. She said she backed Stevens, even though both she and El-Sayed have “positive stands” on health care policy.

“I like the energy and I like the availability,” Moncrease said of Stevens. “It’s the little things that make the difference.”

Supporters of El-Sayed have also highlighted the impact of an on the ground presence in their community.

Keyon Green, a 52-year-old automotive factory manager in Pontiac, said he voted for El-Sayed because he felt he’d been a regular presence in the community — even though he doesn’t have any problems with Stevens.

“He’s always around. He shows up a lot,” Green said of El-Sayed. “People tend to vote for people that they that they see or you know have some type of connection to.”

But for Katanya Johnson, a 58-year-old retired postal worker from Redford who is backing Stevens, it comes down to experience.

“I’m not interested in anybody that’s flying by the seat of their pants and trying to run our country in any way,” Johnson said.

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GOP spent years targeting progressive dark money. That could boomerang on Trump.

▶ Watch Video: America 250 celebrations in Washington, D.C., deemed national special security event During President Trump's second term, Republicans have escalated their attacks on hard-to-trace fundraising methods used by left-leaning groups. Now, those efforts could force more disclosure for a project linked to Mr. Trump himself: Freedom 250, the entity behind America's 250th birthday celebration.When the Trump administration set out to plan events for America's 250th anniversary, it did not build a new charity. Instead, the National Park Foundation — a congressionally chartered nonprofit that raises money for the National Park Service — created a special subsidiary in October 2025 and established it in Delaware. President Trump declared that Freedom 250, organized as a limited liability company, would throw America "the most spectacular birthday party you've ever seen." The National Park Foundation received roughly $90 million in federal dollars to support the celebration, government records show. Freedom 250 separately solicited seven-figure donations from corporate sponsors, documents show, without filing any public financial disclosures of its own.This kind of lawful structure is familiar in the nonprofit world, where charities routinely house projects that lack their own tax-exempt status, an arrangement known as fiscal sponsorship — a term that does not appear in the tax code. The National Park Foundation describes Freedom 250 as a "wholly owned subsidiary" that provided the Park Service with "access to the expertise needed for planning and executing the events" for the 250th. Freedom 250 files no tax return of its own, and money raised in its name legally belongs to the National Park Foundation. There is no standalone accounting on these disclosures of how much flowed through the project, how it was spent, or who ran it.Charities face broad public-disclosure requirements "at least in part because they are publicly supported through tax benefits," said Brian Mittendorf, an Ohio State University professor who specializes in nonprofit accounting. But while a charity must disclose that it owns an entity like Freedom 250, it is not required to break out how that project raised or spent its money, he said."There's always been this challenge for transparency," Mittendorf told CBS News.For years, Republicans have scrutinized this exact type of fundraising system, arguing that left-leaning nonprofits abused lax federal regulations while funding allegedly partisan causes. Liberal groups have denied any impropriety. Now, those GOP efforts have ramped up. Republicans on the House Ways and Means Committee advanced a bill last week that would require charities to disclose fiscal sponsorship arrangements on their tax returns. And it would also impose a tax of 20% on funds deemed to have been "improperly" routed through them — rising to 100% if not corrected.Under the bill, the National Park Foundation would likely have to report certain details about its arrangement with Freedom 250 on its annual tax return, including how much money moved through it and who manages it, said Lloyd Mayer, a professor and expert on nonprofits at the University of Notre Dame's law school. The bill would fall short of requiring the foundation to list Freedom 250's individual donors. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent threw his support behind the bill in a statement last week, saying that it "complements Treasury's work to improve transparency, strengthen tax administration, and provide clearer reporting on certain activities of tax-exempt organizations." He added that the department is "taking action to prevent nonprofit status from being used to enable or conceal fraud, abuse, and illegal extremist activity." The Ways and Means Committee did not respond to requests for comment. The White House Press Office did not respond to questions about whether Mr. Trump supports the bill or has communicated with the Treasury Department about it."Republicans may write a definition into the tax code for fiscal sponsorship that could accidentally lump in a lot more relationships and projects within the nonprofit sector than they intended," said Sara Barba, a managing partner at Integer, LLC, who represents groups in the nonprofit sector. "There are several different types of fiscal sponsorships."Sarah Saadian, the senior vice president of public policy campaigns for the National Council of Nonprofits, which describes itself as the largest nonprofit network in the United States, said "members of Congress should realize that when they pass legislation like this it could have a really broad effect, even on projects they support."Tensions between the nonprofit sector and Republicans have heated up in recent months. The top Republican on the House Ways and Means Committee, Missouri Rep. Jason Smith, issued subpoenas to nonprofits connected to progressive philanthropist Neville Roy Singham — requesting details about fiscal sponsorships. Singham, who is married to Jodie Evans, the co-founder of feminist anti-war group Code Pink, is under criminal investigation by a grand jury in the Southern District of New York over whether he lied on tax forms for nonprofits he controls or may have unlawfully funneled money through them, CBS News reported in July.Smith has launched a series of probes into left-leaning nonprofits, including those funded by the progressive Swiss billionaire Hansjörg Wyss, whose support for groups organized as fiscal sponsorships has drawn GOP scrutiny. The House panel advanced a separate bill last week that would bar nonprofits from donating to PACs for two years after receiving money from a foreign national.A spokesperson for Wyss said in a statement that the bills are "an attempt to stop nonprofits from working on issues like increasing access to health care, conserving public land, and promoting economic opportunity." The statement added that Wyss' groups "have complied with laws and rules governing our activities, and all grant funding is prohibited from being used to support or oppose political candidates or parties or other electoral activity.""Run out of the White House"Freedom 250 — the entity that could be roped into more disclosure under the GOP bill — has been described one way in corporate filings and another by the cabinet secretary whose department oversees the National Park Service.Corporate filings reviewed by CBS News list Freedom 250's beneficial owner as Ruth Prescott, the executive vice president and chief governance officer of the National Park Foundation. The filings do not list any White House officials.But Interior Secretary Doug Burgum could not identify who ran Freedom 250. He testified to Congress in May that he was "not aware of the final decision maker on Freedom 250," and later told CNN that the group was "run out of the White House." Testifying in February, National Park Foundation president and CEO Jeff Reinbold said the foundation had "created Freedom 250 at the request of the National Park Service." A spokesperson for the National Park Foundation said in a statement shared with CBS News that the group entered into an agreement with the National Park Service to manage congressionally appropriated funds and "to ensure Freedom 250 LLC properly distributes and accounts for appropriated project funds."Asked about Freedom 250's fundraising, the spokesperson said there have been no foreign or individual donors to Freedom 250 — adding that corporate sponsors, "except for a handful of sponsors that have requested anonymity, a typical nonprofit practice," are listed on Freedom 250's website. Some listed on the website include Chevron, Boeing, ExxonMobil and Mastercard.The Interior Department did not respond to requests for comment.Ahead of the 250th celebration, Freedom 250 went on a fundraising blitz. The group hosted a concert series as well as a "Great American State Fair" on the National Mall and a UFC mixed martial arts event on the South Lawn of the White House in June, CBS News reported. The Trump administration appointed allies of the president to the board of the foundation, including Meredith O'Rourke, Mr. Trump's top fundraiser, and Chris LaCivita, Mr. Trump's 2024 campaign co-manager. A fundraising solicitation, first reported by the New York Times, offered donors who gave at least $1 million invitations to a "private Freedom 250 reception hosted by Mr. Trump" with a "historic photo opportunity." Those giving at least $2.5 million were offered speaking roles at a July 4 celebration, the document said.Democrats in Congress have investigated Freedom 250, casting the entity as a "shadow organization capable of infiltrating the celebrations and injecting America's 250th with Trump's extreme, partisan agenda," according to a 55-page interim staff report released in July by the House Natural Resources Committee. The report cited Freedom 250's events this year — such as a daylong prayer gathering in May featuring conservative Christian clergy, as well as its "Freedom Trucks," a fleet of mobile museums that featured content about American history with the conservative group PragerU and conservative Hillsdale College in Michigan. A White House official, who would speak only on background, said Freedom 250 connected "partners, institutions, and communities across the country to elevate local and civic participation on the national stage," adding that the group worked to ensure the 250th anniversary was "both deeply rooted in communities and fully realized at a national scale.""Weapons to force more disclosure"As Democrats investigate Freedom 250, some conservatives who work in the nonprofit sector said it is ironic that a Republican-led effort could force more disclosure for the White House-linked group. "This would ensnare groups on both the right and left, and become a bulwark against what is becoming a popular giving vehicle for those seeking privacy," said Lawson Bader, the president and CEO of DonorsTrust, one of the largest nonprofits that advise conservative and libertarian donors. "It ultimately goes up against free expression, and I don't think they are thinking that through."Marc Wheat, general counsel for Advancing American Freedom, a group founded by former Vice President Mike Pence, agreed. "These guys on the Hill forget that all these weapons to force more disclosure were used against conservatives — and we were opposed to it," said Wheat, referring to the 2013 controversy over the IRS' scrutiny of conservative groups seeking tax-exempt status.An effort to unmask nonprofit relationships is also taking shape in the Trump administration. At the Treasury Department, officials announced in late April 2026 that the IRS plans to revise the Form 990 — the annual return filed by tax-exempt groups — to require "clearer reporting" on government grants, government contracts and fiscal sponsorship arrangements.The announcement, billed as an effort "to expose hidden funding," said recent congressional oversight had raised concerns that some fiscal sponsorship arrangements may be used to obscure funding. The Treasury Department and the IRS say they expect to issue proposed regulations and take public comment before finalizing anything.The regulations would require charities to report government grants and contracts in far more detail — where public funds came from and how they were spent, the department said. A spokesperson for the Treasury Department referred CBS News to Bessent's statement about the GOP bill."Given Freedom 250 receives federal funding, the regulations Treasury is considering should reach Freedom 250's activities," Mayer said.The spokesperson for the National Park Foundation told CBS News that the nonprofit regularly shares its audited financial statements with Congress, as required by law. But Mayer said these documents give foundations more leeway as far as what they disclose, compared to federal tax forms, which would demand more under the rules Treasury is weighing."Audited financial statements do not require the level of detail that a Form 990 does," Mayer added. "The information is basic money-in, money-out, certainly not individual recipients of expenditures."
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