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Black voters may decide the nation’s biggest Democratic primary. Many are clearly against the more progressive option

Pontiac, Michigan (CNN) — Larry Nix pulled into a cookout hosted by Abdul El-Sayed’s campaign on Sunday, rolled down his window and told the progressive Senate candidate he needed answers.

Nix, a 63-year-old Army veteran, shares some of El-Sayed’s concerns with the direction of the country. He’s furious at how high the war in Iran has driven up the price of gas for his Ford Expedition, and he thinks Democratic leaders in Washington are “getting a little soft” when it comes to taking on President Donald Trump.

But El-Sayed’s more moderate opponent in the August 4 primary, four-term Rep. Haley Stevens, has come to Nix’s house during previous congressional campaigns, spoken with him and put a sign in his yard. “That’s my girl,” he told CNN.

Nix had also seen the barrage of television advertisements portraying El-Sayed as disparaging toward women, highlighting his past criticism of former first lady Michelle Obama’s anti-obesity initiative. “I’m a big pro-Obama person and you’re dogging his wife,” Nix said of his concerns. He told El-Sayed he wanted to know “what the hell is going on.”

The battle over the direction of the Democratic Party is being waged in conversations like this one, in a parking lot in Pontiac where El-Sayed’s campaign was hosting a get-out-the-vote gathering after he visited Black churches in the area.

The 41-year-old son of Egyptian immigrants is seeking to deliver the party’s progressive insurgency its biggest win yet in the Michigan Senate primary. But he is running into resistance among Black voters, many of whom say the establishment he eschews has delivered for them in important ways.

El-Sayed, a former public health official, told Nix the same thing he’d told about 40 attendees at New Bethel Baptist Church minutes earlier: The ads were a distortion of previous comments he’d made about Michelle Obama, Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer and more, and an example of why he was running to get big money — including that of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, which has spent millions on ads opposing El-Sayed — out of politics.

“He opened my mind,” Nix said of El-Sayed. “I’m going to go home and do my research, and then I’m going to decide if he switched me over.”

But El-Sayed may still have an uphill battle ahead of him. Dozens of interviews across the Detroit metropolitan area over the first weekend of early voting revealed the skepticism he faces among Black voters like Nix.

The Senate primary has emerged as this year’s most important test of the party’s ideological gulf — with El-Sayed and Stevens, the favorite of the Democratic establishment in Washington and in Michigan, squaring off in a race that is both critical to Democrats’ hopes of claiming a Senate majority in November, and an early preview of the battles to come in the 2028 presidential primary.

Black voters make up about one-fifth of the state’s Democratic primary electorate, and they have a history of overwhelmingly backing the more moderate candidate in similar ideological battles in Michigan. Hillary Clinton bested Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders by about 40 percentage points among Black voters in the state’s 2016 presidential primary, exit polls showed, and Joe Biden racked up a similar margin in 2020 against the progressive stalwart.

Sanders’ weakness with Black voters was the obstacle he never overcame, although he narrowly defeated Clinton in Michigan in 2016 while losing to Biden in 2020.

Now, those voters are once again a focal point in the primary’s closing stretch, as El-Sayed seeks to chip into Stevens’ advantage and Stevens looks to run up a big enough margin to overcome El-Sayed’s edge among White progressive voters.

Some of the skepticism El-Sayed faces is fueled by the negative advertisements like those Nix highlighted. But he’s also hampered by lingering resentment from prominent Black Democrats who view his initial support for the “uncommitted” movement in the state’s 2024 presidential primary as ultimately helping President Donald Trump win Michigan that November and who worry about his campaign’s focus on opposing US support for Israel.

Other voters said Stevens, a White woman, has been an extremely active presence in their communities since being elected to Congress in the Democratic wave of 2018. More pointed to her role working on President Barack Obama’s task force that rescued the automotive industry — the economic driver of southeastern Michigan.

At the Soul Day Festival at Northwestern High School in Detroit, which Stevens attended on Saturday, it was the portion of her biography that voters were most familiar with — and an example of the achievements of a Democratic establishment that El-Sayed has cast as a failure.

“She was on the team that helped save our state when Obama was president. She was right there on the forefront,” said Kathie House Vinson, a retired college administrator who lives in Detroit.

“I think in my heart of hearts that (El-Sayed) is a good candidate,” she said, “but Haley has the track record, and I know what she’s done for me.”

A proving ground for progressives

For the Democratic Party’s ascendant progressive insurgency, Michigan is a proving ground — a perennial presidential battleground where the stakes are much higher than the handful of House primaries in deep-blue districts where progressive challengers have ousted incumbents this year.

The winner of next’s month Senate primary will take on Republican former Rep. Mike Rogers in the race to replace retiring Democratic Sen. Gary Peters. For Democrats, retaining the seat is crucial to the party’s hopes of the net four-seat gain they’d need in November to win the Senate majority.

Leaders of the progressive movement, including Sanders and New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, have lined up behind El-Sayed. The more moderate establishment, including Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, a slew of top current and former elected officials in Michigan, the Congressional Black Caucus’ political action committee and influential South Carolina Rep. Jim Clyburn, are supporting Stevens.

Stevens, when asked about her Black support, pointed to her efforts to secure investments in infrastructure and Black-owned businesses, as well as support for Michigan’s manufacturing sector.

“My campaign approach is to campaign like I govern, and govern like I campaign. To show up, to be trusted, to listen, to hear from folks, and then to lead for them,” Stevens told reporters Saturday at the Soul Day Festival in Detroit.

El-Sayed, who boasts his own long list of Black supporters, told reporters Sunday that Stevens’ advantage among Black voters comes down to ad spending.

“It’s what $60 million in advertising does,” he said after a church visit. “There’s a reason they spend that money. … Sixty million dollars is what you need to move a message that does not really offer anything to anyone unless you’re a corporate PAC or AIPAC.”

Outside groups have committed about $51 million to running ads boosting Stevens or attacking El-Sayed, including $30 million from the United Democracy Project, the AIPAC-aligned super PAC, according to AdImpact data.

For some Black voters who to CNN, the ideological schism is a major factor.

Demetria Card, a 68-year-old Pontiac housewife, said she is “not progressive really at all,” and thinks Stevens is “the voice of the people.”

Most, though, downplayed the role ideology is playing in their primary votes.

Card’s daughter, 45-year-old Natasha Bartley, an information technology student in Novi, said she is backing Stevens because she’s consistently shown up for her community.

“This won’t be the first day she’s been somewhere that we’ve been,” she said. “You know, she seems approachable. I talked to her. She seems like she’s honest. You know, doesn’t look like she’s hiding anything, and I like that.”

Likewise, Rex Close, a 54-year-old HVAC technician in Pontiac, said he voted for El-Sayed because he’s “an honest guy.”

“I listen to everything he’s saying, what he’s going to do, and I believe him,” Close said.

Lingering resentment over ‘Uncommitted’ movement

But in conversations with prominent Black leaders from Michigan about the state’s Democratic Senate primary, a recurring complaint came up: El-Sayed’s support for “uncommitted” in 2024.

The pro-Palestinian protest movement was a critical factor in Michigan, with its large Arab immigrant community, as opponents of the war in Gaza voted “uncommitted” on Democratic presidential primary ballots to register their dissatisfaction with Biden’s steadfast support for Israel.

El-Sayed, a prominent Arab American then serving as director of the Wayne County Department of Health, publicly backed “uncommitted,” which garnered more than 100,000 votes in the state.

While Biden ultimately withdrew and the party attempted to rally around former Vice President Kamala Harris, Black leaders in Michigan who spoke to CNN in recent weeks remain convinced the effort did lasting damage to the Democratic presidential ticket’s chances that year.

“Many people believe that he was a part of that. And had Kamala Harris been elected, we would not be in the mess we’re in right now. Gaza would not be what Gaza is right now,” said Rev. Dr. Anthony Wendell of Fellowship Chapel, the president of the Detroit chapter of the NAACP and a Stevens supporter.

Though El-Sayed ultimately endorsed Harris, and encouraged his followers to vote for her, his critics argue it was too little, too late. As he runs for US Senate with an ongoing focus on US policy toward Israel, doubts also linger about El-Sayed’s priorities.

“The question is now: Are you going to be more concerned about the West Bank than the West Side of Detroit?” Anthony asked.

Remarks from a Farmington school board member Angie Smith also made waves over the weekend, when she told local reporter Sam Robinson that she was backing Stevens because she believed the congresswoman would represent all races.

“We need someone that can represent all of us. Not just one race, but all races,” she said in a clip that circulated online. “You have to know how to work the room. Don’t come out speaking only Arabic. Don’t come out with your Arabic music on. Represent everyone.”

Stevens’ camp denounced Smith’s comments.

“Haley disagrees with and disavows this comment. Her campaign is about bringing Michiganders together, not dividing them,” spokesperson Arik Wolk said in a statement.

El-Sayed’s campaign is working to address those critiques. His campaign launched a new TV ad, touting his role as “the first Muslim American leader to endorse Kamala Harris for president.”

Whether it’s enough to overcome enduring skepticism is an open question.

“The bottom line is, he’s been a little cute with that. He was with the ‘uncommitted’ during the primaries when it was convenient,” said Keith Williams, the chairman of the Michigan Democratic Party Black Caucus who is backing the congresswoman. “He was a part of the movement in the beginning. So to me, you can’t have your cake and eat it too.”

Darius Jones, the founder and president of the National Black Empowerment Action Fund, said El-Sayed is “going to continuously have work to do to repair that breach.”

“It definitely didn’t do anything to benefit people from my community in the Midwest,” he said. “And I think this was a situation where the political judgment of people who were in the leadership of that movement should be called into question, and Black folks have real questions around that strategy.”

Other Black Democratic leaders in Michigan said they don’t think the “uncommitted” movement will play a major role in the outcome on August 4.

Virgie Rollins, the Democratic National Committee’s Black Caucus chair and a Michigan power broker who has not endorsed in the Senate race, pointed to El-Sayed’s ultimate support for Harris.

“I had 50 Arab leaders in my house, and he came in to talk. He talked to them in order to support Kamala,” she said. “I don’t see a big issue with uncommitted with Abdul. I think it’s an issue, but it’s not a big issue.”

She added: “If he wins the nomination, everybody will be behind him, 100%. I can guarantee that.”

Wayne County Commissioner Martha Scott, who appeared in a pro-El Sayed ad, also downplayed the role any lingering resentments over the “uncommitted” movement will play but acknowledged the 2024 loss is “on all of our minds.”

“You know, we just keep working at it and hope things change for the better for people,” Scott said.

Stevens’ personal connections

Online, Stevens’ heavy Michigan accent — on display in a recent viral clip in which she told a crowd she was campaigning with “a little bit of stick it to ‘em” — often is the target of mockery. In person, though, it plays much differently.

The word Black voters most frequently used to describe Stevens in interviews with CNN was “fighter.” Those who had met her said she came across as more genuine than most politicians.

“I vibe with her,” said Kelly Garrett, the former mayor of Lathrup Village, just northwest of Detroit, shortly after a Stevens rally in Detroit Friday night attended by Whitmer and Clyburn.

Garrett said she got to know Stevens when the congresswoman called her after Garrett’s 21-year-old son died from sickle cell anemia in 2021. About a month later, she said she was surprised when she received a package from Stevens’ office containing a flag that flew over the US Capitol.

The two have become close since, and Garrett — who spoke to CNN minutes after electrifying the crowd at the rally — said they often talk when Stevens “needs to be pumped up.”

“The person you saw on stage is the person you see at home, and is the person you see out. That’s who Haley is. There is no different person,” Garrett said. “And if she sounds like she has a twang, I’m down with it.”

In Detroit and Pontiac, many people — including those who are not active in politics — said they’d met Stevens not just once, but several times.

At El-Sayed’s gathering Sunday in Pontiac, an elderly woman who asked not to be named said she appreciated that El-Sayed showed up, but said she’d met Stevens four times over nearly a decade, and that the congresswoman had been to her apartment complex.

At the Soul Day Festival, Anita Moncrease, a 70-year-old retired physician in Southfield, said she’d met Stevens in Washington during a group trip to discuss health care issues. She said she backed Stevens, even though both she and El-Sayed have “positive stands” on health care policy.

“I like the energy and I like the availability,” Moncrease said of Stevens. “It’s the little things that make the difference.”

Supporters of El-Sayed have also highlighted the impact of an on the ground presence in their community.

Keyon Green, a 52-year-old automotive factory manager in Pontiac, said he voted for El-Sayed because he felt he’d been a regular presence in the community — even though he doesn’t have any problems with Stevens.

“He’s always around. He shows up a lot,” Green said of El-Sayed. “People tend to vote for people that they that they see or you know have some type of connection to.”

But for Katanya Johnson, a 58-year-old retired postal worker from Redford who is backing Stevens, it comes down to experience.

“I’m not interested in anybody that’s flying by the seat of their pants and trying to run our country in any way,” Johnson said.

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Por qué el cambiazo secreto de Air Force One de Trump es problemático

A primera vista, la noticia de que el presidente Donald Trump cambió de avión en secreto antes de salir de Turquía el mes pasado debido a una amenaza de seguridad proveniente de Irán podría parecer no controvertida, e incluso algo genial, en un sentido de capa y espada.Pero la historia — que fue revelada por The Washington Post a última hora del lunes y más tarde confirmada por CNN y otros — sí plantea algunos problemas y preguntas muy reales.Primero, repasemos lo básico de lo informado.Ya se había informado el mes pasado que, debido a preocupaciones de seguridad, la Casa Blanca había descartado un vuelo de regreso en el nuevo avión regalado por Catar que Trump usa como Air Force One, en favor del avión más antiguo. (Trump había afirmado inicialmente que era para que miembros del servicio estadounidense pudieran recorrer el nuevo avión). El avión antiguo tiene mejores características de seguridad que el avión nuevo reacondicionado. Y dado que Turquía limita con Irán, esa precaución tendría sentido.Ahora está claro que Trump abordó el avión antiguo y luego fue trasladado en secreto, mediante un camión de catering, a un Air Force C-32A más pequeño. Voló en ese al Reino Unido, donde mantuvo la farsa al volver a abordar de forma encubierta el viejo Air Force One, desembarcar para las cámaras y luego subirse al avión regalado por Catar para el vuelo de regreso a casa.Eso plantea el primer problema.Es legítimo — y no es algo inaudito — que se tomen este tipo de medidas para proteger a un presidente. Pero es notable que Trump y la Casa Blanca siguieran mintiendo al respecto incluso después de que el aparente peligro hubiera pasado.El entonces presidente Bill Clinton usó un avión señuelo para un viaje a Pakistán en 2000, llegando en un C-20 sin marcas después de que un C-20 con una imagen estadounidense más conspicua hubiera aterrizado. (Funcionarios estadounidenses temían que el avión de Clinton pudiera ser derribado por terroristas como Osama bin Laden).Pero Clinton pronto se bajó del avión sin marcas, revelando efectivamente la artimaña al público. Y The Washington Post informó el martes que la Casa Blanca de Clinton informó al jefe de la Asociación de Corresponsales de la Casa Blanca, extraoficialmente, con antelación.En contraste, Trump y la Casa Blanca siguieron fingiendo que en realidad había volado en el Air Force One antiguo.Durante un encuentro informal con la prensa en el tramo posterior desde el Reino Unido de regreso a Estados Unidos (cuando Trump estaba en el avión nuevo), el presidente habló en términos generales sobre la posibilidad de que el avión pudiera haber enfrentado preocupaciones de seguridad. Pero negó rotundamente que hubiera una específica.“¿Está diciendo que no había una preocupación de seguridad?”, preguntó un reportero.“No. No. ¿Por qué la habría?”, respondió Trump.Preguntado si había “algún otro problema”, dijo: “No”.Cuando los reporteros siguieron insistiendo sobre si había una amenaza específica, Trump desvió repetidamente.“Bueno, tengo una amenaza todo el tiempo”, dijo Trump. “Soy el número uno en su lista antes que ustedes. Pero si yo me voy, ustedes se van”.Un asesor demócrata de seguridad nacional dijo el martes que el Gang of Eight, un grupo de líderes del Congreso, no fue informado sobre el episodio, pero señaló que los movimientos presidenciales no son algo en cuya gestión el Congreso se involucre profundamente. Pero, añadió el asesor, “el Congreso debería haber sido informado sobre la amenaza, si no sobre el episodio”.Un asesor republicano de un miembro del Gang of Eight dijo que no podía comentar sobre las acciones del grupo.Y eso nos lleva a otra parte delicada de esto. Si bien es comprensible tomar medidas extensas para proteger al presidente, este plan dejó a muchas personas — incluidos reporteros y miembros del personal de la administración — en el Air Force One antiguo como señuelos involuntarios y sin saberlo, muy en la línea de fuego.Las preguntas a partir de ahí son: ¿Había alguna alternativa a eso, como permitir que todos los demás salieran en otros aviones? ¿Por qué no se informó a los reporteros? (A veces esa información puede compartirse bajo embargo, en cuyo caso los reporteros tienen la información pero no pueden publicarla. Por supuesto, la administración Trump no confía en la prensa). Y, por último, ¿qué precauciones se tomaron para proteger el avión legado?“Ahora va a haber preguntas con respecto a qué seguridad se proporcionó para cada uno de los otros dos 747, donde la gente seguía volando en ese avión representando a la prensa de Estados Unidos, al personal de la Casa Blanca”, dijo en CNN el exagente del Servicio Secreto Robert McDonald en “The Story Is with Elex Michaelson”.El secretario de Estado Marco Rubio el martes ignoró una pregunta de CNN sobre si la administración puso en riesgo a los reporteros y al personal.Aunque todavía hay mucho que no se conoce públicamente sobre la amenaza específica de Irán, el hecho de que al parecer fuera lo bastante creíble como para este cambiazo socava de forma contundente las afirmaciones de Trump de que las capacidades militares de Irán han sido diezmadas.Trump no solo ha afirmado esto, sino que él y el secretario de Defensa Pete Hegseth han citado específicamente la supuesta incapacidad de Irán para derribar aeronaves.Hegseth dijo en marzo que Estados Unidos e Israel pronto tendrían “control completo de los cielos iraníes” y un “espacio aéreo incontestado”.“Literalmente tenemos aviones volando sobre Teherán y otras partes de su país; no pueden hacer nada al respecto”, añadió Trump el 24 de marzo.Trump también dijo que Irán no tenía “marina”, “ejército”, “fuerza aérea” ni “sistemas antiaéreos”.Por supuesto, poco después de todos estos comentarios, Irán a principios de abril logró derribar dos aviones estadounidenses. Pero la idea de que pudiera plausiblemente derribar al Air Force One socava aún más las afirmaciones de Trump.“Si necesitaban tomar medidas tan extraordinarias para proteger al presidente porque el nivel de amenaza era tan alto, el pueblo estadounidense merecía saber que el nivel de amenaza era tan alto en este caso en particular”, dijo el lunes en CNN el exasesor de la Casa Blanca de Obama David Axelrod en “The Source with Kaitlan Collins”.En un plano más amplio, este desarrollo complica la trama de una saga ya confusa que involucra al Air Force One, preocupaciones de seguridad y los esfuerzos de la Casa Blanca por contener esa historia —incluyendo la emisión de controvertidas citaciones a reporteros de The New York Times—.Ya había preguntas válidas sobre la decisión inicial de no dejar que Trump volara su avión regalado por Catar de regreso desde Turquía. Si el avión no era tan seguro como el avión legado, ¿por qué Trump lo estaba volando en absoluto, particularmente en espacio aéreo extranjero? Sugería que el deseo de Trump de poner en el aire el codiciado avión nuevo podría haber llevado a recortar medidas (lo cual es un tema recurrente con él).Luego la administración dio el paso extraordinario de citar a los periodistas del Times que habían informado que ese jet regalado por Catar fue sustituido por preocupaciones de seguridad. Afirmó que la situación involucraba a alguien “amenazando la seguridad nacional al filtrar información clasificada”. Pero la administración retiró las citaciones dos semanas después, después de que un juez dejara claro que era escéptico sobre su argumento.CNN también ha informado que ha habido una amplia investigación interna dentro de la administración, y que a algunos funcionarios se les ha pedido entregar sus teléfonos.La historia sin duda involucra cuestiones de seguridad nacional. Pero, ¿cuánto de este esfuerzo por identificar a los filtradores también tiene que ver con evitar la vergüenza asociada con la decisión apresurada y potencialmente peligrosa de Trump de insistir en volar su avión regalado por Catar? ¿O, potencialmente, con evitar revelar que se usó a personal y reporteros como señuelos?O quizá Trump simplemente no quería admitir que Irán tenía esas capacidades.The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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