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Corporate requests for public records are weighing down already burdened town officials in Vermont

In one of Vermont’s largest towns, most of the requests officials get for public records aren’t coming from local residents. Instead, said Renae Marshall, Colchester’s deputy town manager, they’re coming from people — and companies — around the country.

The town is spending more and more time fielding requests from companies that aren’t based in Vermont but that collect and sell its public information for a profit, she said. There’s little or nothing illegal, Marshall acknowledged, about what those companies are doing. But she said the volume of corporate requests, combined with a limited window of time officials have to respond under state law, has been making it hard to keep up.

When it comes to Vermont’s Public Records Act, “there’s obviously room for some modernization,” she said in a recent interview at the town office.

Now, Colchester is turning to state lawmakers in hopes of some relief.

But a slate of changes Marshall and other town leaders are proposing, along with the Vermont League of Cities and Towns, has drawn sharp rebukes from leaders in the press and other advocates for open government.

The push is sparking debate about whether the state can enact any new limits, at all, on public records rules without hindering the public’s access to vital information.

“Right now, I don’t know how to balance it,” said Rep. Matt Birong, D-Vergennes, who chairs the Vermont House committee that’s been considering those proposals. “All I know is, we need to balance it if we move forward with something.”

Under Vermont’s Public Records Act, any person has the right to ask to view or get a copy of a public record from the state or local government. The law’s definition of a “public record” is broad, including “any written or recorded information, regardless of physical form or characteristics,” created while the government does its business.

Officials can generally charge fees for making copies of public records, but not if someone only wants to view, or “inspect,” records in-person. Additional fees can also be levied if a request takes more than 30 minutes to complete, which is often the case — especially if there’s information officials need to redact in the process. The Vermont State Police, for instance, may need to redact portions of body-worn camera footage before releasing it to protect crime victims’ privacy or safety.

Vermont’s law generally prevents state and local officials from considering or asking a person’s motivation for a request. Notably, too, there is a long list of types of records that are exempted from public access under the act — including trade secrets, law enforcement investigations and health care materials, among others.

It’s difficult to track exactly how many records requests are made each year, especially at the local level. The state Agency of Administration tracks requests filed with state agencies, though. According to a database on its website, there have been just shy of 30,000 public records requests filed with the state over the past seven years.

Colchester has proposed limiting access to public records in Vermont to only residents and businesses within the state. It’s also suggested a new restriction on when records of financial transactions can be produced digitally or are allowed to be photographed.

“The intent of the Vermont Public Records Act was to make state and local government more transparent and accountable to their citizens,” Marshall told Birong’s House Government Operations and Military Affairs Committee last month, pitching legislators on the ideas. “But it was not, purposefully, developed to provide easy access to public records for the financial or time-saving benefit of businesses outside of Vermont.”

Marshall said in an interview that the town at times gets several requests from out-of-state companies per week, though it’s not always that frequent.

She showed one example from last August: an employee of a Virginia-based company — called Records Retrieval Solutions — filed a request for electronic copies of “all purchase orders” the town had issued between January 2020 and June 2025.

The town doesn’t want to limit people’s access to public information, Marshall said. But it questions whether requests from companies are doing more harm than good.

Samantha Sheehan, a lobbyist for the Vermont League of Cities and Towns, said her organization regularly hears about similar requests being fielded around the state. She said companies will request a sometimes-large volume of information about local bids for services, then sell that data to contractors — perhaps those providing road salt or crack sealant — with advice on how those firms can craft more competitive bids.

Sheehan’s organization, which is the primary lobbying group in the Vermont Statehouse for municipal governments, has proposed its own slate of changes it says could help improve officials’ workload and prevent requests from burdening towns’ coffers.

One measure would increase the maximum amount of time officials have to respond to many records requests from three days to 14 days. Another would require officials to have explicitly denied a request before the requester could make a formal appeal. As it stands, an official’s nonresponse, after three days, can be considered a denial.

The group also wants to make it easier for towns to charge fees for many records made available for in-person viewing, not just for copies of those records, as state law lays out now. It can be challenging, as the law is written, for officials to recover the costs in staff time for the often tedious process of redacting private information from records before they are released, Sheehan said. The group has also suggested requiring “that a reasonable deposit be paid” before officials start the process of compiling records.

A final proposal would create a new definition in state law of “vexatious” records requests and allow officials to seek a court order relieving them of the need to comply with such asks. Maine has a similar law on the books, Sheehan noted last month.

Sheehan said in an interview that not every city or town across Vermont is dealing regularly with onerous records requests. There are probably four or five at a time, she estimated. But she said the requests are overwhelming some officials.

“They feel like they just can’t do their job,” Sheehan said. “If their job is treasurer, auditor, road commissioner, are they missing grant deadlines and bid deadlines under an overwhelming volume of requests from a single person? If so, that might be enough that they say, ‘We want to go through this vexatious request process and seek relief.’”

The issue was the focus of a Montpelier City Council meeting earlier this month. Evelyn Prim, the city’s acting manager, said one resident accounted for 70% of the 220 total public records requests filed there in 2025, The Montpelier Bridge reported last week.

Prim presented data at the meeting showing that public records requests took about 634 staff hours last year overall, and cost the city about $6,100 in attorney’s fees.

One councilor, Cary Brown, said it could be necessary for the city to hire a dedicated staffer to handle records requests. If the general public knew how much time and money was being spent on records requests, said another councilor, Adrienne Gil, “they would be outraged.”

‘A bad experience for everyone’

Any new restrictions on access to public records, though, are fraught proposals.

Groups representing Vermont’s newspapers and its TV and radio broadcasters have told the government operations panel they are broadly opposed to many, if not all, of the changes being proposed, characterizing them as steps in the wrong direction. Journalists frequently make public records requests to verify allegations and obtain data and other information that might not come into the public eye otherwise.

Giving officials more time to respond to many requests would delay that vital news gathering, Bridget Higdon, the publisher of four newspapers in northwestern Vermont and vice president of the Vermont Journalism Coalition, told the committee earlier this month. More fees, meanwhile, would be a burden on low-income people and smaller news organizations, she said.

David Cuillier, director of the Brechner Freedom of Information Project at the University of Florida, which researches public records access across the country, in an interview called the changes being considered in Vermont this year “absolutely horrid.” He said the changes would “make Vermont one of the most secretive states in the nation.”

Access to public records needs to be improved around the country, according to Cuillier. While requests from companies are nothing new, he said, there’s been “a huge surge” in recent years as technology has made it easier to “swing out hundreds of public records requests at once.”

At the same time, he said, the technology many towns have available on their ends to store and search records is falling behind the times.

“It’s a bad experience for everyone, all around — and getting worse all the time,” Cuillier said. “It’s bad for government agencies. It’s bad for requesters. It’s bad for democracy.”

Vermont’s House Government Operations Committee has been taking testimony from public records officers in local and state government since the start of this year’s legislative session in January. The panel is considering creating a bill incorporating at least some of those changes, according to Birong, the committee’s chair.

But it’s not clear yet which, if any, would make it over the finish line.

Cuillier said that rather than allow towns to take “vexatious” requesters to court, Vermont should establish an independent body to oversee the government’s compliance with public records laws as well as provide a non-judicial avenue for residents to challenge denials of their requests. That’s what Connecticut has had in place for decades, he noted, referring to that state’s Freedom of Information Commission.

The Vermont Journalism Coalition, of which VTDigger is a member, has argued that more data needs to be collected on the impact of “vexatious” requests on towns before any policy changes are put in place.

Cuillier also questioned whether it’s really all that bad for companies to be soliciting public information. If the result is that bids for services are more competitive, and that saves taxpayer money in the long run, then the effort could be beneficial, he said.

Alex Torpey, the interim town manager in Rockingham, agrees. His town gets a relatively small number of records requests. But at least this year, many, if not all of them, have been from companies, not local residents, he said. Torpey also runs an online group, through his consulting firm, with about 80 other local leaders from around Vermont and New Hampshire.

He said in an interview he doesn’t agree with Colchester’s idea of restricting access to public records only to people and other entities based in the state. But he suggested a different change to the law whereby corporate requesters would get charged higher fees to access records. Cuillier also backed that idea, saying it could be combined with reducing, or eliminating outright, the cost of records for local residents.

Corporate access to records isn’t a bad thing, Torpey argued — but “I’m just not sure that these taxpayers in each town should be the ones footing the bill for it.”

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Disclaimer: VTDigger is a member of the Vermont Journalism Coalition. No members of VTDigger’s staff who are involved in advocating for or against changes to the Public Records Act were involved in the reporting, writing or editing of this story.

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This story was originally published by VTDigger and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.

Las vacunas contra el cáncer podrían transformar el tratamiento y la prevención, pero la desinformación amenaza su potencial

Por primera vez, una vacuna de ARNm contra el cáncer ha tenido éxito en un ensayo clínico en fase avanzada, un avance significativo que podría transformar la manera en que se trata el cáncer. El 19 de agosto de 2026, Moderna y Merck anunciaron que su vacuna personalizada, intismeran autogene, logró reducir la recurrencia del melanoma, un cáncer de piel, al combinarse con el medicamento de inmunoterapia Keytruda. Aunque estos resultados podrían abrir la puerta a una ola de vacunas contra el cáncer, la desinformación sobre la tecnología de ARNm que circula desde la pandemia podría frenar su impulso antes de que llegue a los pacientes.El progreso hacia el desarrollo de vacunas para tratar el cáncer lleva años gestándose. Desde principios de la década de 2000, se han realizado más de 120 ensayos clínicos prometedores que evalúan el uso de vacunas de ARNm para tratar varios tipos de cáncer, como el melanoma y los cánceres cerebral, de mama, de pulmón y de próstata.Al mismo tiempo, la desinformación sobre el llamado cáncer turbo comenzó a propagarse ampliamente en las redes sociales, y los principales medios de comunicación informaron por primera vez sobre ello a finales de 2022. El cáncer turbo se refiere a la afirmación falsa de que las vacunas de ARNm contra el covid-19 causan cánceres inusualmente agresivos.Como investigador de comunicación en salud que monitorea las conversaciones en internet relacionadas con el cáncer, he visto la rapidez con la que puede propagarse la nueva desinformación y el impacto que puede tener en las decisiones de salud de las personas. En el caso de las vacunas de ARNm contra el cáncer, esta narrativa falsa podría socavar la confianza pública en una herramienta importante que podría ayudar a prevenir o tratar el cáncer en el futuro.La mayoría de las personas probablemente oyó hablar por primera vez de la tecnología de ARNm a través de las vacunas contra el covid-19, pero los científicos llevan décadas estudiándola.Las vacunas de ARNm funcionan mediante la transmisión de instrucciones que inducen a las células del cuerpo a producir proteínas específicas. Este proceso enseña al sistema inmunitario a reconocer y atacar esas proteínas. En la investigación del cáncer, los científicos pueden diseñar vacunas muy específicas que entrenan al sistema inmunitario para detectar células tumorales y eliminarlas con mayor eficacia sin dañar las células sanas.Un ejemplo de este potencial proviene de estudios sobre el glioblastoma, un tumor cerebral agresivo con pocos tratamientos eficaces. Los investigadores han descubierto que una vacuna personalizada de ARNm puede activar rápidamente el sistema inmunitario de las personas contra este tipo de cáncer cerebral y mejorar la supervivencia.Cada vez hay más pruebas de que las vacunas de ARNm pueden transformar la manera en que los investigadores aprovechan el sistema inmunitario para tratar el cáncer. Sin embargo, incluso los avances médicos más prometedores solo pueden mejorar la salud si las personas están dispuestas a utilizarlos.“Cáncer turbo” es un término que suelen utilizar los activistas antivacunas, quienes afirman —sin pruebas creíbles— que las vacunas de ARNm contra el covid-19 están causando cánceres inusualmente agresivos.Esta narrativa imprecisa se ha filtrado en las noticias de los medios tradicionales. En septiembre de 2025, un controvertido cardiólogo británico afirmó que la vacuna contra el covid-19 contribuyó a los recientes diagnósticos de cáncer en la familia real, lo que generó una reacción negativa inmediata de la comunidad médica. Aunque es poco común, algunas figuras públicas y profesionales de la salud han afirmado que las vacunas podrían causar cáncer pese a las abundantes pruebas que contradicen esa afirmación, a menudo mediante una interpretación errónea o una tergiversación de estudios.La desinformación sobre la salud puede describirse como afirmaciones falsas o engañosas relacionadas con la salud que se comparten con el público y que no están respaldadas por evidencia científica, se basan en historias personales no verificadas o son opiniones presentadas como hechos. Por ejemplo, al hacer un seguimiento de las conversaciones sobre la vacuna contra el VPH en las plataformas de redes sociales, mi equipo y yo descubrimos que los temores sobre su seguridad, la desconfianza hacia las autoridades y las afirmaciones conspirativas estaban muy extendidos en internet.La desinformación sobre las vacunas se aceleró durante la pandemia de covid-19, lo que causó lo que los investigadores denominan una infodemia: la rápida propagación de información sobre la salud, tanto verdadera como falsa, durante una crisis de salud pública. La infodemia de covid-19 dificultó que las personas encontraran orientación confiable e influyó en las actitudes del público hacia las vacunas.El “cáncer turbo” refleja muchos de los mismos patrones y narrativas que la infodemia de covid-19.En un estudio de escucha social, que consiste en monitorear sistemáticamente las conversaciones en internet sobre distintos temas, mi equipo y yo observamos innumerables publicaciones sobre el cáncer turbo desde julio de 2023 hasta principios de 2026. Muchas publicaciones se basan en anécdotas emocionalmente convincentes, interpretaciones erróneas de estudios con animales, el uso indebido de informes sobre eventos adversos y mitos reciclados según los cuales las vacunas alteran el ADN humano. Algunas publicaciones también vinculan el aumento de las tasas de cáncer entre los adultos más jóvenes con la vacuna contra el covid-19. Sin embargo, estudios de grandes poblaciones no han hallado un mayor riesgo de cáncer después de la vacunación.Ninguna de estas afirmaciones sobre el cáncer turbo está respaldada por evidencia confiable. Pero en las redes sociales, la repetición, las historias personales y un lenguaje que suena científico pueden hacer que la desinformación parezca legítima y ayudar a que se propague rápidamente.A primera vista, afirmaciones extravagantes como la del cáncer turbo pueden parecer fáciles de descartar. Sin embargo, las investigaciones muestran que pueden tener consecuencias en el mundo real, y la desinformación relacionada con el cáncer puede ser especialmente grave.La información inexacta sobre el tratamiento del cáncer es común en internet, y los investigadores han demostrado que influye en las decisiones de los pacientes. Cuando los pacientes recurren a métodos no comprobados en lugar de las terapias recomendadas, su riesgo de muerte puede aumentar considerablemente.Los profesionales clínicos ya observan los efectos de la desinformación en la atención habitual. Los oncólogos afirman que tienen que abordar mitos o información engañosa que los pacientes han encontrado, aunque los investigadores aún desconocen qué tan frecuentes son estas conversaciones en la atención oncológica.La tecnología de ARNm está entrando en una fase decisiva de su desarrollo. El progreso científico se está acelerando, pero la comprensión del público no ha avanzado al mismo ritmo. La exposición reiterada a afirmaciones engañosas puede erosionar con el tiempo la confianza en la tecnología de ARNm, lo que incrementa la probabilidad de que algunos pacientes rechacen las terapias de ARNm en el futuro.Si narrativas engañosas como la del cáncer turbo siguen propagándose, podrían complicar el futuro despliegue de las vacunas de ARNm y limitar sus beneficios para salvar vidas.Una vez que la desinformación se arraiga en la percepción del público, puede ser difícil cambiar su rumbo.Las investigaciones han demostrado sistemáticamente que una comunicación proactiva, transparente y persuasiva puede contrarrestar la desinformación. También muestran que, una vez perdida, la confianza es difícil de recuperar.Las innovaciones médicas pueden salvar vidas, pero solo si la comunicación se mantiene al día. Esto implica monitorear las tendencias emergentes de desinformación en las redes sociales, abordar las inquietudes de manera temprana, dotar a los profesionales clínicos de herramientas para mantener conversaciones eficaces con los pacientes y diseñar mensajes de salud pública que fomenten la comprensión de las nuevas tecnologías médicas antes de que se introduzcan ampliamente en la práctica clínica.La innovación científica por sí sola no basta para mejorar la salud. Garantizar que el público pueda evaluar innovaciones médicas como las vacunas de ARNm contra el cáncer con base en la evidencia, en lugar de hacerlo a partir de desinformación viral, forma parte del desafío científico.El futuro de la atención oncológica no depende únicamente de los descubrimientos científicos, sino también de la comprensión y la confianza del público.Republicado bajo una licencia Creative Commons de The Conversation.The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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