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80 years after World War II, Okinawa’s battle sites are still giving up bones and bombs

Itoman, Japan (CNN) — The “bone digger” slides into a thin crevice on a hill in the Okinawan jungle. He’s a slight man, nimbly fitting his frame through the cave entrance, carefully avoiding the sharp limestone roof while navigating the crumbling stone and dirt on the cave floor.

He crouches as the lamp on his forehead shines on the dirt at his feet and scratches the soil with a gardening tool, looking to turn up the remains of people who hid in caves like this one during the World War II Battle of Okinawa.

This is the life’s work of the bone digger, Takamatsu Gushiken. He spends much of his free time in caves like this in Okinawa, Japan’s southernmost prefecture, trying to bring closure to one of the most fierce and deadly battles of the Pacific war.

I ask him why he does this work. He pauses and shrugs.

“They are human, and I am human too,” he says softly, looking down, his voice breaking with emotion.

Gushiken shows me what he’s found at this site so far — portions of a skull from the area of the ear, smaller bones, maybe from a foot, he says, and even smaller ones, possibly from a child or infant.

He’s found a bullet, too, and theorizes what might have happened at this spot eight decades ago: A mother and child hid as the battle raged outside. As US troops were trying to clear caves of hidden Japanese defenders, the two civilians, like so many on Okinawa, were caught in the crossfire.

They would be among the estimated 240,000 people killed or missing in the Battle of Okinawa, from the landing of the US invasion force on April 1, 1945, to the Americans’ declaration of victory on June 22.

That number includes as many as 100,000 civilians, 110,000 Japanese troops and Okinawa conscripts, and more than 12,000 American and allied troops, according to the National World War II Museum in Louisiana.

Those lives were lost in a hellscape of overwhelming American firepower. US forces used 1.1 million 105 milimeter howitzer rounds on the island, expended more than a half million mortar rounds, and fired more than 16 million machine gun rounds and 9 million rifle bullets, according to the museum.

Touching history

Eighty years later, the scars remain, allowing visitors to get up close and touch history.

On the offshore island of Ie Shima, the shell of a pawn shop still stands. It’s the only structure that survived the fighting on that 23-square-kilometer island that was home to an important airstrip during the war.

In the former Japanese Navy underground headquarters in Tomigusuku, shrapnel-scarred walls are evidence of a mass suicide. A memorial outside reads, “Vice Admiral Minoru Ota and his 4,000 men … committed suicide in this underground headquarters on June 18, 1945.”

Outside an unmarked cave near the Sefa Utaki Sacred Site in Nanjo, an unexploded grenade rests near the entrance, just off a busy road. Inside, pickaxe scars from the cave’s construction are still smooth as it opens to a dugout machine gun emplacement.

Walk up a path from the Okinawa Peace Park on the island’s southern shore and stand next to the cave entrance where the commander of the Japanese garrison on Okinawa, Gen. Mitsuru Ushijima, took his own life on June 22, 1945, as US troops closed in from below.

And in the rock near a jungle cave, Gushiken the bone hunter points out where rifle and machine gun rounds have left their mark.

Matching 1945 and 2025

Drop a pin on the map app on your phone at any of these places, make the drive to the Okinawa Prefectural Archives and you can see exactly what that piece of land would have looked like during the battle or its aftermath.

Archivists have matched up surveillance and reconnaissance photos from the US military with the current landscape. Perhaps nothing can illustrate that hellscape better.

Kazuhiko Nakamoto is the driving force behind the archives’ collection, attempting to document the story of the war years and after.

He tells the story of how his mother, a 6-year-old in 1945, survived the battle separated from her parents and in the care of her grandmother, who moved about the southern part of the island looking for safe spots as the battle raged.

“It was like a miracle that she survived,” he says, adding that his family was one of the lucky ones on Okinawa.

Nakamoto and fellow archivists Akira Yoshimine and Eriko Nishiyama relate how Okinawans were victims of a war not of their making. When the government in Tokyo garrisoned the island, many thought the Japanese troops were there to protect them, not enlist them in the fighting that was to come.

But militarism was pushed even in elementary schools, they say, pointing to a textbook that taught students how to count using pictures of warplanes and tanks.

Schoolgirls plunged into war

No place on Okinawa brings that tragedy home more than the Himeyuri Peace Museum, which tells the story of the Himeyuri Student Corps, teenage girls pressed into service of the Japanese military during the battle.

The girls from the Okinawa Shihan Women’s School and the Okinawa Daiichi Women’s High School helped nurse and attend to injured Japanese soldiers in caves like the one at the site of the museum that honors them, a hole in the rock known during the war as the Ihara Third Surgical Cave, part of the Okinawa Army Hospital.

“Soon after the battle commenced, the Himeyuri students were mobilized,” the museum says. “Real war proved to be different from anything they had imagined.”

Surviving students tell of the horrors they experienced in videos shown at the museum.

They talk of helping amputate the limbs of the injured, performing the operations without anesthesia. They tell of pulling maggots from wounds, of trying to comfort those delirious with “brain fever,” of seeing their fellow students die under US gunfire at cave entrances or while running resupply errands.

And they talk of a smell that permeated the surgical caves — a mixture of human waste, blood, sweat and the rot of flesh — and never left the unventilated passages. (At another site, Army Hospital Depot Number 20 at the Haebaru War Museum, staff have recreated that stench in a vial, and offer visitors a whiff at the end of the tour. Even in the open air, it’s horrible.)

The video testimonials are raw, vivid and hard to sit through for a visitor.

After the videos, the portraits of the 227 Himeyuri who were killed or went missing on Okinawa hang on the walls of a large room. A note under each tells their fate, several noting the last time the girls were seen alive and that what happened to them is unknown.

Those hit me the hardest and bring back thoughts of those bones Gushiken had found in the cave I was in only hours earlier. Could they belong to any of these young faces?

It’s likely we will never be able to know the answer to that question. Gushiken says of 1,400 sets of remains recovered from caves and battle sites, only six have ever been identified.

He says he turns over everything he finds to authorities, but it’s up to them to determine if DNA testing is possible.

Many times there’s just not enough bone material to get a DNA match, he says.

If relics like pens or notebooks with names are found with bones, it can provide a lead, he says. But relics without such identifying information are left where they are found.

Still, he’d like to see the government doing more.

“I hope the authorities will take a more proactive approach to identifying the bones, improve their technology, and returns as many bones as possible to their families,” he says.

The Americans

If there is an American equivalent of Gushiken on Okinawa, it just might be Steph Pawelski. A native of Pennsylvania, the US military spouse and US Department of Defense school teacher curates the Okinawa Battle Sites Facebook page.

The rear of her Subaru station wagon is part war history library, part hiking and caving supply barn. Her knowledge of the island seems encyclopedic.

On an early March day, I suggest meeting at the Hyatt hotel in urban Naha for lunch. Pawelski says we should arrive early and check out a cave in a park across from the hotel’s parking lot.

During an exploration of a hillside battle site with a team led by Gushiken, Pawelski surges ahead of the group to point out possible cave entrances the Japanese man was looking for.

Pawelski says her interest in the battle sites is driven by her grandfathers, both of whom served on Okinawa.

Using pictures her maternal grandfather took during his time in the Asian theater, she’s trying to put herself in the exact spots her grandfather stood decades ago.

“I was able to see through Grandpop’s eyes, walk in his footsteps, and feel his presence in a way I never expected. It was as if the past and present had converged, creating a snapshot of history in a way that words would never capture,” Pawelski says.

Minutes before beginning that jungle trek with Gushiken, she’s on a Facetime call to Florida with an Okinawa veteran, Neal McCallum, a Marine who came ashore on the island on April 1, 1945, and 49 days later got a hole in his leg from a Japanese bullet, a “million-dollar wound” he calls it, because it got him a ticket off the island with his life intact.

The now 98-year-old McCallum is coming back to Okinawa for the battle’s 80th anniversary, and Pawelski is helping him be sure he sees what he wants, the places he says will bring him a final measure of “closure.”

McCallum says he got the bulk of that during his first post-war visit in 2000.

“If I had any dark corners in my mind, I think they were eliminated” then, he says.

But his real change of heart over history happened during a visit to Osaka 19 years before that.

“I hated the Japanese intensely until 1981,” he says. During a few days in Japan’s second-largest city, he came across some schoolchildren, eager to practice their English.

“They were saying little endearments to me… ‘Hello, sir!’ ‘I love you,’ or something along those lines.

“And I thought what a fool I am for … hating them,” McCallum says, adding that those who hate are “not going to lead a good, healthy life.”

He also says he hopes his visit helps remind the current generation of the sacrifices of the so-called “greatest generation,” those who fought World War II, and the legacy of what the Marines accomplished on Okinawa.

Back at the cave site, Gushiken says he hopes his work sends a message too.

“No more wars. There should be no more wars,” he says.

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Trump’s top general is ‘looking for an off-ramp’ from Iran war as US military options remain limited, sources say

(CNN) — Over the last few weeks, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Gen. Dan Caine has privately made clear to other top Trump advisers that the US needs to find an off-ramp from the war with Iran — because the military options on the table to escalate the conflict could backfire and airpower alone is unlikely to achieve President Donald Trump’s stated objectives, according to three sources familiar with the matter.“Caine is looking for an off ramp,” one of the sources said bluntly.Caine is not alone in his view that the war has reached a crossroads. He has discussed concerns about the military options for escalating the conflict and raised the prospect of finding an off-ramp from the war with other key Cabinet officials, including CIA Director John Ratcliffe, Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Vice President JD Vance, two of the sources said.The top US general has recently side-barred with some of those key, like-minded Trump advisers in an effort to facilitate interagency coordination and ensure they are on the same page ahead of meetings with the president. The aim has been to make clear the limitations and pitfalls of the available military options, including those that do not involve putting US boots on the ground, the sources said.“I think it is just his way of protecting the military,” one of the sources told CNN, referring to Caine’s discussions with other top national security officials within Trump’s cabinet about the Iran war.Trump has consistently appeared averse to the idea of deploying ground troops in Iran, instead signaling he believes that air bombing can force them to agree to a deal on his terms. Caine and others in Trump’s cabinet privately view that outcome as unlikely and instead have sought to develop other options that fit within the president’s own parameters, according to multiple sources familiar with recent discussions.Nearly six months into a conflict which opened with weeks of claims that Iran’s military capabilities had been decimated, and which remains defined by the president’s pledge of preventing Tehran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, it is highly significant that Trump’s most senior general is privately arguing there is no easy military solution to end a war the president chose to enter.In response to CNN’s request for comment on this story, Caine’s spokesperson Joseph Holstead said: “We do not discuss the Chairman’s confidential conversations with the President, the Secretary, or other senior leaders, nor do we comment on anonymous, agenda-driven characterizations of those conversations by sources who were not privy to them.”CNN asked the White House for comment and the State Department and CIA declined to comment.‘Airpower has its limits’The war has reached a point where many of Trump’s top national security officials, bolstered by military doctrine, assessments from the US intelligence community and common sense, believe what Caine himself told lawmakers during a public hearing late last month — “airpower has its limits.”For those reasons, Caine and other Trump officials were wary of the latest plan late in July to launch new, more aggressive strikes due to concerns about the likely fallout that could come from escalating the conflict, even as the president appeared ready to initially greenlight what he described as a “massive” operation, one of the sources said, declining to elaborate on the operational details.“The only ones in favor of the operation were elements of CENTCOM,” the source added, noting Israel also broadly supported an operation to escalate the conflict.Trump ultimately decided to back off after talking with Middle East allies, who told him they were afraid of Iranian retaliation, specifically retaliatory attacks on their energy infrastructure, a senior administration official told CNN, adding that the president is not taking the planned strikes off the table for a future date.But dwindling US stockpiles of key munitions were also a factor, CNN has reported, as multiple sources said it was a concern that has been raised not only by Caine but also by Gulf officials, who have recently conveyed to administration officials how a shortage of high-end American air defense systems could impact their ability to ward off potential Iranian retaliation if Trump decides to escalate the conflict.Trump has repeatedly threatened to strike Iran’s energy infrastructure, a move sources said is unlikely to force Iran to capitulate — as Caine himself has alluded to publicly — and almost certainly prompt retaliatory attacks targeting energy infrastructure of Gulf countries. Doing so would also likely further alienate the Iranian population, rather than fuel blame toward the regime, several sources said.Trump has also considered bombing bridges, but doing so is similarly unlikely to yield productive results, per a second source. “There really isn’t much else to hit since it is whack-a-mole with drone and missile sites. Bombing powerplants would be publicly a lot more significant.”Handling Trump carefullyBut while Caine has raised concerns, he has also been mindful of preserving his relationship with Trump and been careful in how he conveys the potential downsides of military options when presenting them directly to the president, the sources said.He has worked hard in his time as chairman to make sure he has Trump’s ear, at one point even trying to secure an office at the White House so he could brief the president more regularly and have a highly secure space to work from when he’s there, according to people familiar with the matter.Caine was “doing his job” by recently raising potential downsides of military options for escalating the conflict — including concerns about the already depleted US munitions stockpile — during a White House meeting with Trump and other top officials late last month, two sources familiar with the discussion said.But during the same discussion, Caine also made clear to the president that if he wanted to go forward with those operations, “we could absolutely wreck them,” one of the sources familiar with that recent White House meeting told CNN about the chairman’s message.Privately, however, Caine has been more direct in acknowledging the limits of air power and reiterating his view that bombing alone is unlikely to achieve Trump’s stated objectives, at this stage of the war, according to a third source familiar with the matter.Some say Caine hasn’t been assertive enough with Trump. “He’s definitely pulling punches,” a source familiar with Caine’s interactions with Trump told CNN earlier this year, when comparing his White House conversations with his private discussions with military leaders about potentially launching the war.Caine appears to have become more vocal about the potential second and third order effects of potential US escalation in recent weeks. CNN previously reported that he specifically raised concerns about the depleted US munitions stockpile during at least two recent meetings with Trump where options for escalating were discussed.But at the same time, Caine has reiterated during those meetings that the US military can inflict massive damage on Iran if Trump ultimately decides to go forward with an operation that would escalate the war, according to a source familiar with one of those discussions.It’s part of Caine’s delicate balancing act, telling people privately that he wants to restore trust in his position as the country’s top general and in the military more broadly even as Trump has politicized both.Pre-war warnings about weapon stockpilesBefore the war began, Caine and other military leaders similarly warned Trump that a protracted military campaign could impact US weapons stockpiles — particularly those that support Israel and Ukraine. But now, senior US military commanders believe the munitions stockpile is “dangerously low,” a source previously told CNN, and Trump has become increasingly frustrated by how the issue appears to undermine his ability to credibly project strength in negotiations with Iran.Caine has raised concerns about the dwindling US munitions stockpile during at least two recent meetings with Trump where potential options for escalating the conflict were discussed, CNN has reported. Trump, meanwhile, appears more frustrated by the fact that the war’s impact of US munitions has been reported publicly — airing those grievances during a meeting with his Cabinet at Camp David last week.The munitions shortage is also one reason the Pentagon and US Central Command have recently begun to reevaluate the US’ military strategy, CNN has reported. For example, a senior military official at CENTCOM recently sent a crowdsourcing email seeking new creative and unconventional ways to pressure and punish Iran, sources previously told CNN.While soliciting fresh ideas is not necessarily a bad idea, particularly given the current state of the war, sources noted that doing so six months after the war started amounts to tacit acknowledgment things are not going well.“It is rough when you are looking at those options in the middle of the war instead of before it starts,” one of the sources familiar with the planning discussions said.As chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Caine is responsible for drafting military options for striking Iran, but even in pre-war meetings at the Pentagon with other senior officials, Trump’s top general was vocal about the potential downsides of launching a major operation — even then raising concerns about the scale, complexity and potential for US casualties of such a mission, according to sources familiar with his advice.But at the same time, Trump specifically invoked Caine by name in a pre-war post claiming his top military adviser believed the now-months long conflict with Iran “will be something easily won.”As the war approaches the six-month mark, tempered criticism about Caine’s approach to the job is being revived and questions about his relative lack of experience managing an extended conflict are beginning to emerge.“He is out of his depth on this one,” a source familiar with how Caine is navigating the current crisis — both strategically and in managing his relationship with Trump.But Caine is not an outlier, many within the administration as well as outside analysts agree that the only way to decisively defeat Iran would be through a major operation involving ground troops, a commitment that could potentially cost thousands of American lives. The Pentagon considers all scenarios, so those plans exist, but as of now no one in the administration is arguing for such drastic action.Therefore, as Caine and others continue to make sure Trump is aware that less drastic escalatory military actions could lead to negative results, the focus is on finding the off-ramp that offers the president a “symbolic” win — at minimum — he can try to sell to the American people without preventing a potential diplomatic breakthrough, starting with an agreement to reopen the Strait of Hormuz.CNN’s Haley Britzky and Alayna Treene contributed reporting.The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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