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Legal questions swirl around FDA’s new expedited drug program, including who should sign off

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Food and Drug Administration commissioner’s effort to drastically shorten the review of drugs favored by President Donald Trump’s administration is causing alarm across the agency, stoking worries that the plan may run afoul of legal, ethical and scientific standards long used to vet the safety and effectiveness of new medicines.

Marty Makary’s program is causing new anxiety and confusion among staff already rocked by layoffs, buyouts and leadership upheavals, according to seven current or recently departed staffers. The people spoke to The Associated Press on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss confidential agency matters.

At the highest levels of the FDA, questions remain about which officials have the legal authority to sign off on drugs cleared under the Commissioner’s National Priority Voucher program, which promises approval in as little as one month for medicines that support “U.S. national interests.”

Traditionally, approval decisions have nearly always been handled by FDA review scientists and their immediate supervisors, not the agency’s political appointees and senior leaders.

But drug reviewers say they’ve received little information about the new program’s workings. And some staffers working on a highly anticipated anti-obesity pill were recently told they can skip certain regulatory steps to meet top officials’ aggressive deadlines.

Outside experts point out that FDA drug reviews — which range from six to 10 months — are already the fastest in the world.

“The concept of doing a review in one to two months just does not have scientific precedent,” said Dr. Aaron Kesselheim, a professor at Harvard Medical School. “FDA cannot do the same detailed review that it does of a regular application in one to two months, and it doesn’t have the resources to do it.”

On Thursday Reuters reported that FDA officials have delayed the review of two drugs in the program, in part due to safety concerns, including the death of a patient taking one of the medications.

Health and Human Services spokesman Andrew Nixon said the voucher program prioritizes “gold standard scientific review” and aims to deliver “meaningful and effective treatments and cures.”

The program remains popular at the White House, where pricing concessions announced by the Republican president have repeatedly been accompanied by FDA vouchers for drugmakers that agree to cut their prices.

For instance, when the White House announced that Eli Lilly and Novo Nordisk would reduce prices on their popular obesity drugs, FDA staffers had to scramble to vet new vouchers for both companies in time for Trump’s news conference, according to multiple people involved in the process.

That’s sparked widespread concern that FDA drug reviews — long pegged to objective standards and procedures — have become open to political interference.

“It’s extraordinary to have such an opaque application process, one that is obviously susceptible to politicization,” said Paul Kim, a former FDA attorney who now works with pharmaceutical clients.

Top FDA officials declined to sign off on expedited approvals

Many of the concerns around the program stem from the fact that it hasn’t been laid out in federal rules and regulations.

The FDA already has more than a half-dozen programs intended to speed up or streamline reviews for promising drugs — all approved by Congress, with regulations written by agency staff.

In contrast, information about the voucher program is mostly confined to an agency website. Drugmakers can apply by submitting a 350-word “statement of interest.”

Increasingly, agency leaders such as Dr. Vinay Prasad, the FDA’s top medical officer and vaccine center director, have been contacting drugmakers directly about awarding vouchers. That’s created quandaries for FDA staffers on even basic questions, such as how to formally award a voucher to a company that didn’t request one.

Nixon, the HHS spokesman, said that voucher submissions are evaluated by “a senior, multidisciplinary review committee,” led by Prasad.

Questions about the legality of the program led the FDA’s then-drug director, Dr. George Tidmarsh, to decline to sign off on approvals under the pathway, according to several people with direct knowledge of the matter. Tidmarsh resigned from the agency in November after a lawsuit challenging his conduct on issues unrelated to the voucher program.

After his departure, Dr. Sara Brenner, the FDA’s principal deputy commissioner, was set to have the power to decide, but she also declined the role after looking further into the legal implications, according to the people. Currently the agency’s deputy chief medical officer, Dr. Mallika Mundkur, who works under Prasad, is taking on the responsibility.

Giving final approval to a drug carries significant legal risks, essentially certifying that the medicine meets FDA standards for safety and effectiveness. If unexpected safety problems later emerge, both the agency and individual staffers could be pulled into investigations or lawsuits.

Traditionally, approval comes from FDA drug office directors, made in consultation with a team of reviewers. Under the voucher program, approval comes through a committee vote by senior agency leaders led by Prasad, according to multiple people familiar with the process. Staff reviewers don’t get a vote.

“It is a complete reversal from the normal review process, which is traditionally led by the scientists who are the ones immersed in the data,” said Kesselheim, who is a lawyer and a medical researcher.

Not everyone sees problems with the program. Dan Troy, the FDA’s top lawyer under President George W. Bush, a Republican, says federal law gives the commissioner broad discretion to reorganize the handling of drug reviews.

Still, he says, the voucher program, like many of Makary’s initiatives, may be short-lived because it isn’t codified.

“If you live by the press release then you die by the press release,” Troy said. “Anything that they’re doing now could be wiped out in a moment by the next administration.”

The voucher program has ballooned after outreach by FDA officials

Initially framed as a pilot program of no more than five drugs, it has expanded to 18 vouchers awarded, with more under consideration. That puts extra pressure on the agency’s drug center, where 20% of the staff has left through retirements, buyouts or resignations over the past year.

When Makary unveiled the program in October there were immediate concerns about the unprecedented power he would have in deciding which companies benefit.

Makary then said that nominations for drugs would come from career staffers. Indeed, some of the early drugs were recommended by FDA reviewers, according to two people familiar with the process. They said FDA staffers deliberately selected drugs that could be vetted quickly.

But, increasingly, selection decisions are led by Prasad or other senior officials, sometimes unbeknownst to FDA staff, according to three people. In one case, FDA reviewers learned from GlaxoSmithKline representatives that Prasad had contacted the company about a voucher.

Access to Makary is limited because he does not use a government email account to do business, according to people familiar with the matter, breaking with longstanding precedent.

Under pressure from drugmakers, some FDA reviewers were told they can skip steps

Once a voucher is awarded, some drugmakers have their own interpretation of the review timeline — creating further confusion and anxiety among staff.

Two people involved in the ongoing review of Eli Lilly’s anti-obesity pill said company executives initially told the FDA they expected the drug approved within two months.

The timeline alarmed FDA reviewers because it did not include the agency’s standard 60-day prefiling period, when staffers check the application to ensure it isn’t missing essential information. That 60-day window has been in place for more than 30 years.

Lilly pushed for a quicker filing turnaround, demanding one week. Eventually the agency and the company agreed to a two-week period.

Lilly’s CEO, David Ricks, told attendees at a health care conference on Tuesday that the company expects FDA approval of its pill in the second quarter of the year.

Nixon declined to comment on the specifics of Lilly’s review but said FDA reviewers can “adjust timelines as needed.”

Staffers were pushed to keep the application moving forward, even though key pieces of data about the drug’s chemistry appeared to be missing, according to one person involved in the process. When reviewers raised concerns about gaps in the application, the person said, they were told by a senior FDA official that it was OK to overlook the regulations if the science is sound.

Former reviewers and outside experts say that approach is the opposite of how FDA reviews should work: By following the regulations, staffers scientifically confirm the safety and effectiveness of drugs.

Skipping review steps could also carry risks for drugmakers if future FDA leaders decide a drug wasn’t properly vetted. Like other experts, Kesselheim says the program may not last beyond the current administration.

“They are fundamentally changing the application of the standards, but the underlying law remains what it is,” he said. “The hope is that one day we will return to these scientifically sound, legally sound principles.”

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The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Department of Science Education and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

New US escalation in Iran makes Trump’s endgame vacuum more urgent

(CNN) — More US combat deaths and a widening reescalation of the Iran war are putting a new spin on a long unanswered question: What is President Donald Trump’s endgame and how will he deliver it?From its initial shots, this war has been under-explained by the administration. The return to something like full-scale aerial war after a ninth consecutive night of US air raids is no exception.The president seems to be bombing again because the personal, political and economic costs of Iran’s major win so far — its stranglehold on the Strait of Hormuz — are impossible for him to accept. But he has yet to tell Americans why he believes this tactic may be more successful than it was before.Meanwhile, the sharply increased tempo of US bombing and Iran’s broadened retaliation — the attack that killed two US service members and left one missing last week was in Jordan — risks pulling the entire region back into the conflagration.Jordan, a US ally that lies east of Israel and west of Iraq, is more distant to Iran than US targets in the Gulf states. But Tehran’s success in hitting US troops in the country shows that it retains lethal capacities despite weeks of American attacks. On Sunday, Iran accused the US of attacking an under-construction nuclear power plant and warned of an appropriate response. Israel said it was ready to immediately resume combat if attacked.The Iran war is not yet the kind of “forever war” in the Middle East that the president repeatedly swore off fighting. But it is nowhere near a finite war either.How can Trump reverse Iran’s big win?Absent some unforeseen shift in the brutal regime’s political foundation inside Iran, it’s unclear how this round of strikes could meaningfully reshape its options. The administration has not said whether its aim with the new strikes is solely to disable Iranian assets along the Strait of Hormuz that allow Tehran to attack civilian shipping, or whether it is preparing the ground for wider action potentially involving ground troops.Another unknown is whether the president is now more willing to go after civilian targets as a tool of extra pressure on Iran’s battered economy and power structure.And only time will tell whether he has the patience to tolerate the global economic shocks that may ensue before his reimposed blockade on ships and ports decisively increases the heat on Iran. After all, he told Americans last month that he inked an initial agreement to end the war because he didn’t want to cause another Great Depression. That was seen as a bid to mitigate political damage to the GOP ahead of November’s midterm elections.Such questions are especially pertinent now not just because the conflict is ramping up nearly five months after Trump declared it won in a couple of days, but because this new phase seems to be an attempt to fix the failings of the initial war. US forces are now effectively fighting to deprive Iran of its capacity to use the strait to hold the global economy hostage.The strait was open to free navigation before the war. If Trump can’t restore that status quo, he will be remembered for a strategic disaster. But his options for doing so are limited, especially since aspects of the newly constituted Iranian regime seem actively bullish about more war.The president could have explained his latest thinking on the war in a national address last week. But he mentioned it only obliquely, devoting most of his time to claims that the US electoral system ​corrupted, even though declassified documents released by the White House failed to back up his comments.That omission only added to the strategic uncertainty.More US deathsUS casualty figures for the Iran war bear no comparison to the deaths and injuries the nation suffered during the Afghan and Iraq wars. But every loss rips apart a family. And every loss increases the onus on political leaders to demonstrate the mission justifies the sacrifice.On Friday, two personnel were killed in an Iranian strike on a US base in Jordan; another is missing. On Saturday, a US soldier died in northern Iraq during a controlled detonation of unexploded ordnance from a downed Iranian drone. This brought the US death toll to 17. Civilian casualties in Iran are presumed to be higher but are impossible for outside media outlets to verify.Trump reacted to the deaths of the first two service personnel in an interview with the New York Post. He called the losses “a shame” and said he’d contact the families of the fallen. He told NewsNation that “we hate to see it happen.”The most direct attempt Sunday by the administration to explain its actions came from US Energy Secretary Chris Wright. He told ABC News’ “This Week” that the president’s “focus is on degrading the Iranian ability to terrorize the world, to hold world commerce hostage, as they are doing right now, and to prevent Iran from getting nuclear weapons. That is unchanged.”Wright disputed the accuracy of public reports showing the near-cutoff of tanker traffic through the strait. Open-source data from maritime tracking agency MarineTraffic reported that traffic through the strait dipped to just eight ships on July 16, down from 15 a day earlier. Before the war, an average of about 116 ships used the vital sea lanes daily.Republican Rep. Michael McCaul of Texas told “Fox News Sunday” that the military “was winning this war against Iran.” He added: “We stopped … to negotiate a ceasefire and a negotiated settlement.”McCaul was referencing the memorandum of understanding that Trump said achieved all US goals but that collapsed partly because Iran sought to demonstrate its control over the strait. McCaul said the “fundamental objective now” was for the US military to take out Iranian launch pads and drones.On CNN’s “State of the Union” on Sunday, Democratic Sen. John Fetterman, who broke with factions of his party over the war and his support for Israel, said Trump should press on. “I think it’s entirely appropriate to continue to confront Iran,” Fetterman told Jake Tapper.But Sen. Mark Warner, the top Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee, said: “This is what happens when you start a war of choice.” Warner, a member of the Gang of Eight top congressional leaders briefed on the most sensitive intelligence, told CBS’ “Face the Nation” that “I can say unequivocally there was no imminent threat from Iran.”Is there a way out?The current Washington debate about the war, like Trump’s public statements, seems only to illuminate a vicious circle. Attacking Iranian positions around the strait and civilian targets like bridges used by the military may degrade Tehran’s threat. But in an age of drones, when just a few missiles can deter ships from tackling the strait, will the US military ever be able to reduce risks to tolerable levels?Rebuking Trump over the war may work as a political argument for Democrats ahead of the midterms. But it does nothing to help find a resolution. If political pressure forces Trump to walk away, the world economy will be held to ransom by a tyrannical regime in Tehran. And there’s no sign anyway that it will agree to concessions through diplomacy that US and the world may deem acceptable.The course of escalating air strikes might work for a time, but without repeatedly returning to military action, Trump, or the next US commander in chief, may struggle to ensure Iran’s threat has been decisively eliminated. And without the visibility that an elusive nuclear agreement could offer through international monitoring, the idea — if only theoretical — that the Islamic Republic might race to an atomic bomb can’t be ruled out.Perhaps this intractability best explains Trump’s latest strategy of escalation without a clear end game.Retired US Navy Adm. James Stavridis told Tapper that all Trump’s options were bad. Iran doesn’t “have a great hand of cards, but they’re playing it pretty well … kind of reminiscent of the North Vietnamese in the war in Vietnam or the Taliban in Afghanistan,” Stavridis said. “So they’re working to make us determine that this candle is not worth the game, that we would in fact ultimately walk away.”He continued: “I don’t think they will succeed at that strategy, but it’s certainly the one they’re pursuing. And they are thus far at least hanging around the hoop and staying in the game.”The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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